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The end of the settlement: Yangon squat clearances uproot thousands

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A life’s worth of possessions are stacked in a heap on the ground. The owner of the ragged parcels, U Maw, looks in the other direction, at an imposing pile of timber that once was his home.

Yesterday morning, as soldiers looked on—fingers aching towards their triggers—U Maw had been forced to destroy what he once built on this land by his own labor. Around him, neighboring families had been ordered to deconstruct their homes, piece by piece, by themselves.

“We have no choice but to destroy the things that we built with our own hands. Otherwise the soldiers will destroy everything, and that will make everything useless,” U Maw said, despairingly.

On October 25, the Township General Administration Department of the Southern District of Yangon ordered the removal of businesses and settlements beside the Dagon-Thilawa Road. Three days later, approximately 100 people, including municipal leaders and armed security forces, arrived at the site, ready to perform a total clearance.

The eviction ran from 7 a.m. to 5 p.m., soldiers ripping apart the settlement’s famous dry food stores, slowly tearing down every obstacle in their path until they reached Kalawal village on the banks of the Bago River.

The morning of October 28 was an historic tragedy which had been long-delayed for Yangon’s squatters, an understated humanitarian disaster in Burma’s most developed urban area.

Whilst troops were beginning the destruction of Thanlyin’s settlements, a similar scene was already underway on the other side of town. 

To the north, in Hlaingtharyar, security forces had earlier closed the two arterial Bayintnaung Bridges that connect the township to central Yangon, leading to a huge backlog of trucks and cars blocking roads into Hlaing.

“There are between 7,000 and 8,000 squatters along the Yangon-Pathein highway, and half of them are moving this morning as a force of soldiers, police, members of YCDC [Yangon City Development Committee], and plainclothes security forces have arrived,” said a local man supporting the squatters. 

Military trucks entered Hlaingtharyar at around 6.30 a.m. yesterday morning, in tow: two bulldozers and some expectant prison vans.

“On seeing the convoy, some took their belongings; some even took pieces of their home,” the local man said.

“However, most of those moving were the wealthier few whose businesses had been doing alright; the working class residents didn’t leave. When I asked them what they would do, they said that they’d have to settle another empty plot because they’re unable to afford rent, and have nobody to go to for help,” he said.

The settlers from both sides of Yangon were moving following an ultimatum delivered by the military just three days previously. 

Settlements being torn down in Hlaingtharyar, north Yangon, yesterday

Despite the settlements hosting both homes and well-established small businesses for decades, the junta announced on October 25 that it was to demolish all homes. On the day of the announcement, 70 people were taken into temporary custody in Hlaingtharyar after protesting the order.

When troops returned, resistance was muted. 

“​​I believe the police and military had guns, most were threatened with detainment if they didn’t comply… Though it seems they are willing to do worse,” said one foreign social worker who had arranged transport for those fleeing the clearances.

“We had a small team […] taking lists of those who wanted to go to their hometowns and those who wanted to be moved to another location. However the volume is much much larger than we anticipated, originally we were told 100-150 people, then 1000-2000. Now there is a possibility of 20,000 in total, according to a contact.”

She told DVB that, due to the presence of troops, it had been too dangerous to transport those leaving yesterday. Her group will now ferry settlers today and into the weekend, “before the Tatmadaw burns everything”.

Whilst soldiers intimated those in Hlaingtharyar, a similar scene was unfolding in Thanlyin.

“The soldiers ordered us to sign an eviction notice, if not they said they will shoot us,” U Maw said.  

“Nobody dares to go against them as they carry weapons. I just had to watch them tear down the tents with bulldozers,” he added. 

 “They didn’t want anyone to take photos of the eviction, and it is still going on,” added a local Red Cross Society member. 

The Dagon-Thilawa Road settlements, Thanlyin, before the clearance

Like U Maw, a majority of the squatters with no place to go have congregated by the side of the road, watching others depart.

Established by the SLORC in 1998 as a resettlement for 300,000 migratory inhabitants of Yangon’s Downtown area, the settlements on the Yangon-Pathein Road also hosted thousands of people who fled the Ayeyarwady delta region following 2008’s Cyclone Nargis.

Under the NLD government, more than 250,000 squatter households had been issued resident certificates for Yangon Region, and plans were well underway to allow them to eventually get access to low-income housing.

Similarly, over 200 households have been located beside the No.2 Thanlyin Road for almost a decade, many of whom run small businesses; over 50 well-known dry food stores, fuel shops, and tea, coffee, and palm wine sellers lined the road, a source of both shelter and sustenance for local farm laborers from the surrounding fields of Thanlyin. Residents had made an agreement with Hluttaw representatives that they believed allowed them to stay.

Only now, with a dominant and unaccountable military rule over the land—held in the name of the state and military-backed landowners—have clearances become a reality.  

“Now it is all gone. They cut down the foundations of homes and destroyed everything: the place is empty now. Some people who have no place to go, like us, are sitting by the road with their belongings. I don’t know what to do,” said U Hla Htay, one of those now searching for a new beginning.

Pro-military rallies once again bolstered with paid stooges, witnesses say

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Two independent sources confirmed yesterday that a majority of recent pro-military protestors in a number of towns were paid by the military to attend rallies that were held on Monday. 

On October 25, pro-military rallies took place close to military bases in towns including Myitkyina and Putao in Kachin, in Pyin Oo Lwin, Madara, and Meiktila in Mandalay, as well as in Yangon, Naypyidaw, Lashio, Pathein, and Mawlamyine.

The protests come as tensions festering between those for and against Burma’s military institution have spilled out into open warfare, and when the eyes of Southeast Asia have fallen back upon Burma following the start of the ASEAN Summit.

One source, who preferred to remain anonymous to preserve the contingency of his activism work, said that, between 7 and 9 a.m., protests erupted in Aye Mya Tharyar ward and Panmatti village in Myitkyina. He says that the majority of protestors, if not all, were paid anywhere from K5,000 to K10,000 (US$2.8 – 5.6).

“It’s estimated that around 300 participated in the march, but bystanders dared not say anything, because it was held inside the military headquarters,” he said. “They chanted the slogans: ‘We don’t need UN support, who supports OIC,’ ‘We don’t want ASEAN,’ ‘Oppose the NUG and CRPH rioters, ‘oppose PDF, and ‘Myanmar military is our army.’”

In Kachin, the anonymous activist says the junta also played on ethnic tensions to bolster their numbers, noting that protests also consisted of those from Lisu and Shanni groups (some of whose leaders are strongly sympathetic to the military), Ma Ba Tha, the ultra-orthodox Buddhist group, and families of military personnel, who he says were ordered to attend. He added that this is not the first time the military has played on the tensions between the Lisu and Shanni People’s Army and the local Kachin Independence Army. 

“They have a feeling about the KIA, as they got arrested by the KIA and accused the KIA of asking for money,” the anonymous activist said. “By using those feelings, the Tatmadaw formed the Shanni People’s Army and Lisu People’s Army.”

Similar trends were reported in Pathein, where three-day rallies slowly garnered participants from October 25 to 27, peaking at 90 people on the second day, but falling to a mere 40 by October 27. 

Human rights activist U Tun Tun Oo reported that the majority of protestors in Pathein were recruited from the working class and poorer wards, with some offered up to K15,000 to participate. Despite trying to keep a safe distance from the protests himself, the activist says he could verify this through being in constant communication with those with pro-military allies.

“They are protesting, but look insecure. The pro-military protesters in Pathein were clearly either people who were out of money, informants (dalan), or members of the army. There really are not many people who support the military,” he said, echoing the theory that the protests were orchestrated to demonstrate alleged military support.

“In addition, these pro-military protests came across the country after the ASEAN’s meeting, which did not invite the junta leader to attend the summit,” he said, noting the suspicious trend of pro-military rallies appearing at times that the military feels insecure. 

Another anonymous source said that the military had used a similar tactic in other regions, paying up to K10,000 to people—largely those with low education and literacy levels—that soldiers had gathered.

Such bribery is certainly not a new tactic, and is reminiscent of junta-backed protests immediately following the coup, where protestors admitted to participating for between K2,000 and K10,000. After protests in many towns turned lethal, many others said that they had received orders, and in some cases weaponry, to cause violence towards pro-democracy protesters.

Appeal for Action

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OxyFeature

As editor in chief of one of the few remaining independent media organizations, we collect, check and spread the news about Burma. Through various credible contacts inside the military-ruled country, I receive heartbreaking messages about Covid-19 every day, which I think the international community ought to react to as an immediate urgency. One might ask why so alarming as every country around the world is facing the Covid-19 pandemic, but the case in Burma is different.

News of the deaths of close family, of best friends, of relatives, is no longer considered news at all. Loved ones failing in their desperate attempts to find oxygen, similarly, is no longer news. Families spending household savings to purchase faulty concentrators or overpriced and ineffective medicines; no longer news. The hundreds of deceased being cremated daily, the dark smoke of death lingering over Yangon both day and night; not news. The virus has spread across all layers of Burma’s society, indiscriminate and ruthless. Even the last of the frontline medical workers, not yet persecuted by the junta, are falling prey to Covid-19.

Since February’s coup, state hospitals will not admit a patient without “status” or a “connection” to the military nexus: even officers and their families have been denied treatment on arrival. Out of lack of resources or fear of reprisals, private hospitals have chosen to ignore the majority of patients, those lucky enough to find a bed have only been admitted under the proviso they bring their own supply of oxygen. As a result, people of all degrees of wealth, rank, and status have resorted to treating loved ones at home, with whatever medicine and equipment they can obtain, out of pure necessity.

Desperate for a cure, the Burmese people turned to Facebook for ‘magic solutions’. Social media is ablaze with all kinds of witchcraft and quackery, with endless posts containing well-repeated hearsay on topics ranging from techniques to save a life, to methods of increasing bodily oxygen levels, or potions that, once ingested, will certainly, remove the coronavirus. It is in no way strange to read such advice as inhaling the fumes of a hair-dryer to boost oxygen levels or to chew raw onion (three times a day) whilst absorbing the virus nullifying heat into one’s lungs.

We have tried hard to dispel these myths through our work, releasing broadcasts countering popular misconceptions and interviewing medical professionals to improve access to useful and correct knowledge. The examples above may sound preposterous to outsiders, but millions of Burmese, out of hope and desperate, have found refuge in such information.

Importantly, Burma has reached a point of total nihilism with regard to coronavirus facts and figures. The junta lacks the bandwidth, and certainly the motive, to promote data that in any way resembles realities on the ground. We receive anecdotal data from burial grounds, funeral services, and organizations thanklessly working to contain the outbreak. But, similarly, all this provides is rumour and numbers. The hard fact is that every single day, the news of many more dead and infected reaches us through the experiences of our households, our relatives, and our friends. And this news is always the most immediate. The experience of being so perpetually surrounded by death is hard to convey.

The whole world is vocally struggling to curb the spread of Covid-19. But, in the case of Burma, the people have been made voiceless. Our experience tells us that the military regime is either intentionally removing the last lifelines of help available to the Burmese people to quell challenges to their rule, or is woefully lacking in will and capacity to manage a crisis of their proportion. Before the February coup, Yangon had close to 20 well-functioning Covid-19 treatment centers. Now there are four, all essentially being left to fail, turning back almost all those who need life-saving attention. The military, whose targeting of medical professionals is well documented, has cornered itself. Instead of building emergency treatment centers and field hospitals, the regime is investing heavily in crematoriums.

Very soon, they recently announced, Yangon’s funeral pyres will have the capacity to cremate 3,000 corpses a day.

Burma needs immediate humanitarian intervention from the international community more than any time before. Burma desperately needs your attention and help now.

Aye Chan Naing

Chief Editor (DVB)

1st August 2021

Photos – MPA

How Retailers Can Cut Emissions

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When you need your company to have a new website or if you venture on updating your old webpage with a new look and functionality, the choices are versatile. Assuming that you will go the easy way and choose a theme for your WordPress website, the overall number of characteristics that you will need to keep in mind narrows down significantly.

All the WordPress themes that we have here have had a vast team of professional designers sketching, working and executing the ultimate visual look for it. With such a wide range of choices at hand, we strongly advise you to stick to the WordPress Theme that is based on your business’ or a closely related field.

I’m as proud of many of the things we haven’t done as the things we have done.EMMA DOE, Company CEO

When you need your company to have a new website or if you venture on updating your old webpage with a new look and functionality, the choices are versatile. Assuming that you will go the easy way and choose a theme for your WordPress website, the overall number of characteristics that you will need to keep in mind narrows down significantly. Often searching out the graphical symmetry in chaos, while still maintaining the personality and emotion of the subject. The excitement and anticipation as we waited to see the next piece of unpredictable chaos was electric.

ASEAN appeals for calm as conflict in Myanmar escalates

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The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Secretariat building in Jakarta, Indonesia (Credit: ASEAN)

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) released a statement on Thursday expressing that it is “deeply concerned” about escalating violence in Myanmar, especially in the country’s westernmost Arakan State and Myawaddy Township of Karen State – located along its eastern border with Thailand. 

It called for the immediate cessation of violence, and for “inclusive dialogue” among all parties of the conflict. The regional bloc also called on the Myanmar military regime in Naypyidaw and its myriad Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) – some of which are resisting a return to military rule since the 2021 coup – to uphold international humanitarian law and take steps to diffuse tensions.

Violence along the Thai-Myanmar border, in the town of Myawaddy, has escalated since the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) captured the last military base in the area on April 11. Myawaddy is now reportedly under the control of a coalition of ethnic Karen armed groups. The military regime, which has faced unprecedented battlefield losses since Oct. 27, launched a counterattack on Sunday.

“I want the Thai government to be more serious about this issue. If you don’t do anything, there will be people who die every day. There would be people who are displaced from their homes every day. So the Myanmar issue cannot wait whatsoever,” said Lalita Hanwong, an advisor to the Thai parliament’s National Security, Border Affairs, Strategies and Reforms committee.

Fighting has intensified in Myanmar’s Arakan State since the Arakan Army (AA) launched its latest offensive – as the next step in the Brotherhood Alliance’s Operation 1027 – against the military on Nov. 13. It has taken control of eight townships in Arakan and Paletwa Township in southern Chinland. 

ASEAN stated its Five-Point Consensus, which was adopted in April 2021 but never implemented by regime leader Min Aung Hlaing, calls for the end of all violence in Myanmar, the delivery of humanitarian aid, and dialogue between all parties. 

Thailand began humanitarian aid deliveries into Myanmar’s Karen State on March 25 in coordination with the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management. 

Laos assumed chair of ASEAN in January. It appointed the senior Lao diplomat Alounkeo Kittikhoun as the ASEAN Special Envoy to Myanmar. He has held meetings with Min Aung Hlaing, the National Unity Government (NUG), and EAO representatives.

Weekly Briefing: April 19, 2024

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FROM THE DVB NEWSROOM

DVB English News Weekly Briefing for April 19, 2024. In this week’s headlines: Aung San Suu Kyi and Win Myint reportedly moved to house arrest in Naypyidaw; Thai academic says Myanmar military’s days are numbered; New Zealand unable to block invitation to regime representative; Activists say Chevron withdrawal isn’t enough and more sanctions are needed; Maung Zarni nominated for 2024 Nobel Peace Prize.

Thai academic says regime’s days are numbered; More military personnel flee attacks into Bangladesh

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The Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) patrols an area of Myawaddy on Monday after it was attacked in a regime airstrike. (Credit: Reuters)

FROM THE DVB NEWSROOM

Thai academic says regime’s days are numbered

Dulyapak Preecharush, an associate professor of Southeast Asian Studies at Thammasat University, told Reuters that the fall of Myawaddy to the Karen National Union (KNU) indicates that the regime’s days are numbered. The Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) seized the last military outpost near the Thai-Burma border town on April 11. 

“For the Myanmar military, regaining control of Myawaddy is like reclaiming a vital economic lifeline. If they let the opposition or KNU continue to hold on, it will gradually affect the economy in Mawlamyine and Yangon, which are major cities in Myanmar, and cause problems,” said Preecharush.

Myawaddy is currently under the joint control of the KNLA, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), and a new armed group calling itself the Karen National Army, which is a former faction of the Karen Border Guard Force. The KNU stated that it will only establish an administration in Myawaddy after it has repelled all counter attacks from the military. 

More military personnel flee attacks into Bangladesh

The Bangladesh government said on Wednesday that 46 members of the regime’s Border Guard Police (BGP) fled to Bangladesh due to the fighting along the border with the Arakan Army (AA). The total number of BGP and military personnel currently sheltering in Bangladesh has reached 260.  

Bangladesh repatriated 330 military personnel, including their relatives, after they had fled from AA attacks on Feb. 15. Dhaka is cooperating with Naypyidaw to repatriate all 260. The Bangladeshi Minister of Foreign Affairs Mohammed Hasan Mahmud said that Naypyidaw has proposed to transport them back using waterways.  

Artillery shells fired from Burma have landed inside Bangladesh, causing civilian casualties and damages to buildings. Bangladesh hosts nearly 1.2 million Rohingya refugees who fled from attacks by the military, most recently in 2017 which has been labelled a genocide by the U.S. government.  

Hkalam Samson returns home after his release from Myitkyina Prison on April 17. (Credit: Kachin Baptist Convention)

Kachin religious leader re-arrested after being freed in amnesty

Hkalam Samson, the former chair of the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC), was re-arrested on April 17 – the same day he was released from Myitkyina Prison in a nationwide prisoner amnesty for the Burmese New Year on Wednesday. He was detained for the second time by soldiers at his home in Myitkyina, the Kachin State capital. 

“Around 30 soldiers arrived at home claiming it was for his own security. Later that night, another 50 soldiers arrived and took him. They [military] said they will send him back next morning after questioning,” said a Myitkyina resident. An anonymous source close to Samson’s family told The 74 Media that they were told that by the Prisons Department that it had arranged a place for him to stay over “security concerns.” 

Samson was sentenced to six years under both the Counter-Terrorism Law and the Unlawful Associations Act on April 7, 2023. Two Kachin State ministers removed in the 2021 coup were also freed in the amnesty. Only 100 political prisoners were among the 3,303 freed by the regime on Wednesday, stated the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). 

News by Region

AYEYARWADY—More than 90 Rohingya, including children, were arrested in March and are being detained at police stations across the state. The Rohingya said they had fled Arakan State to escape forced recruitment into the military and armed conflict between it and the AA. They were reportedly trying to reach another country. 

“The police held them without charging them but it is possible that they might be charged under the Immigration Law. The regime’s administration won’t give them the right to defend themselves,” an aid worker assisting the Rohingya told DVB on the condition of anonymity. 

CHINLAND—The Chin National Defense Force (CNDF) spokesperson Salai Kyong Ngai said it has provided military training to more than 200 new recruits aged 18-30 since the regime activated its military conscription law. He claimed that the conscription evaders came from Falam, Kalay and other townships. 

“We provided them with training and they were also assigned to relevant places and battalions,” said Salai Kyong Ngai. People’s Embrace, which supports military defectors, told DVB that it has been contacted by more than 26,000 people since the conscription law was activated on Feb. 10.

KARENNI—The Interim Executive Council (IEC) General Secretary Khu Plu Reh said that the IEC is building a legal case against a Burma Air Force pilot who was arrested in Karenni State on Nov. 19. Resistance forces claimed to have arrested Khaing Thant Moe after it shot down his fighter jet on Nov. 11. 

“That case is big and we are still processing it. The pilot is healthy. We will take action in accordance with our judiciary,” added Khu Plu Reh. Resistance forces across Burma claimed to have shot down 12 regime aircraft since the 2021 military coup. 

KAREN—A People’s Defense Force (PDF) spokesperson said that the military has been sending reinforcements in an effort to recapture Myawaddy, via the Kawkareik-Myawaddy portion of the Asia Road, since April 12. “The number of enemies has continued to increase every day,” added the PDF spokesperson.

Read our Q&A: Why was Aung San Suu Kyi and Win Myint moved to house arrest? DVB English News is on X, FB, IG, Threads & TikTok. Subscribe on YouTube. Follow on Spotify.

Check out the Exiled Media Toolkit by ijnet and NEMO. It has published a feature story on us: Reporting in the shadows in Myanmar: The case of the Democratic Voice of Burma

Aung San Suu Kyi’s son says she’s being used as ‘human shield’

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Myanmar's Aung San Suu Kyi being used as 'human shield', says Kim Aris on April 18 - one day after his mother was moved from her prison cell to house arrest in the capital Naypyidaw (Credit: Reuters)

Aung San Suu Kyi’s son, Kim Aris, said on Thursday that his mother was being used as a “human shield” after a Myanmar military regime spokesperson said that she had been moved from prison to house arrest.

Myanmar’s State Counsellor and Nobel laureate was reportedly moved on Wednesday due to the extreme heat conditions inside her prison cell in the capital Naypyidaw.

“Since the weather is extremely hot, it is not only for Aung San Suu Kyi…For all those, who need necessary precautions, especially elderly prisoners, we are working to protect them from heatstroke,” Zaw Min Tun told regime media on Tuesday.

It was not immediately clear where Aung San Suu Kyi, or President Win Myint, had been moved. Zaw Min Tun did not respond to an interview request from Reuters.

Aung Thu Nyeen, the ISP Myanmar director, told DVB that the Prisons Department have constructed a private residence for the two jailed leaders.

“I think their reasons for moving her, well, they stated that it’s for her health, but I think that’s not very likely,” said Aris. “I think they have their own reasons for moving her, namely that they’d like to use her as a human shield.”

Aung San Suu Kyi was held under house arrest for a total of 15 years under a previous regime at her family residence, which is located at 54 University Avenue in Yangon, where she famously gave speeches to crowds of supporters gathered on the other side of the front gate.

The 78-year-old has been detained by the Myanmar military since it overthrew her National League for Democracy (NLD) government on Feb. 1, 2021. She faces 27 years in prison for crimes ranging from treason and bribery to violations of the telecommunications law, charges she denies.

Simmering anger against the military over its 2021 coup turned into a nationwide armed resistance movement now increasingly operating in co-ordination with established Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) to resist the regime in Naypyidaw.

REUTERS

Why was Aung San Suu Kyi and Win Myint moved to house arrest?

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Aung Thu Nyeen is the director of communications at the Institute for Strategy and Policy (ISP Myanmar).

A Q&A with Aung Thu Nyeen, the communications director of the Institute for Strategy and Policy (ISP Myanmar), on the regime’s transfer of State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint from their prison cells to house arrest in the capital Naypyidaw.

DVB: Aung San Suu Kyi and Win Myint have been transferred from prison to house arrest because of the hot weather, regime spokesperson Zaw Min Tun stated. Where do you think they have been moved?

ATN: To the best of my knowledge, they are still in Naypyidaw. The Prisons Department has constructed a private residence for them. 

However, I do not have any other details at the moment. There is also a rumor circulating that the Chinese ambassador or Chinese diplomats have met with Aung San Suu Kyi.

DVB: Do you think the regime is using Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint to get something in return from Beijing?

ATN: Zaw Min Tun said that the weather is too hot [and the jailed leaders are elderly]. But during previous regimes, they would meet directly for talks with Aung San Suu Kyi. 

If the news comes out that Aung San Suu Kyi had discussions with the regime this would have implications. 

DVB: In the past, Aung San Suu Kyi was often used by regimes if they wanted concessions [from the international community]. So, if they have done this, would they be successful?

ATN: I think it is difficult to achieve success if Aung San Suu Kyi is used. Although she still holds value and influence in national and international politics. But it is hard to say whether the problem can be solved or not. 

DVB: Do you think that the regime will use Aung San Suu Kyi as an intermediary in negotiations with the armed resistance forces?

ATN: The armed conflict is not going to end anytime soon. If Aung San Suu Kyi is released and put in a more comfortable position, or if she meets with diplomats, there may be opportunities for her to speak about how to achieve peace.

DVB: What is the significance of the relocation of Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint?

ATN: There is nothing special. However, it would be beneficial to see them released or placed in a more comfortable environment. Regardless, it is good to hear that they are coping well with the harsh weather conditions.

Over 3,000 freed in prisoner amnesty to mark Burmese New Year; Karen National Union cleans up Myawaddy

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Families of prisoners gathered outside of Insein Prison in Yangon on April 17 hoping to reunite with their loved ones. (Credit: CJ)

FROM THE DVB NEWSROOM

Over 3,000 freed in prisoner amnesty to mark Burmese New Year

The military regime ordered the release of 3,303 prisoners from prisons across Burma on April 17, for the Burmese New Year. Hkalam Samson, the former chair of the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC), Zaw Win, the Kachin State Minister of Immigration, and Nay Win, the Kachin State Minister of Social Affairs, were some of the political prisoners freed in the amnesty. 

Eight foreign nationals were also freed, according to the regime. It stated that those released from prison will have to serve the remainder of their sentences if caught violating the law. Prisoners convicted for murder, rape, the Explosive Substances Act, Arms Act 1878, the Arms Act 1949, Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Law, Natural Disaster Management Law, Anti-Corruption Law and Counter-Terrorism Law were not included in the amnesty.  

The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has documented a total of 26,524 people arrested for political reasons by the regime since it took power after the 2021 military coup. At least 20,351 are still being held by them in Burma’s prisons. 

Aung San Suu Kyi and Win Myint moved to house arrest

State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint have been moved from their prison cells and placed under house arrest in the capital Naypyidaw. 

An anonymous source from the Department of Prisons told DVB that the regime’s Ministry of Home Affairs ordered the transfer of the two jailed leaders – who were arrested on Feb. 1, 2021 during the military coup and have been held at Naypyidaw and Taungoo prisons most recently.  

“Since the weather is extremely hot, it is not only for Aung San Suu Kyi…For all those, who need necessary precautions, especially elderly prisoners, we are working to protect them from heatstroke,” said regime spokesperson Zaw Min Tun. Read more.

Karen National Union cleans up Myawaddy

Saw Neh Da Htoo, the tactical commander of Karen National Union (KNU), told DVB that it is clearing Myawaddy of unexploded ordinances and is ensuring that no regime troops remain in the town. The Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) seized control of Myawaddy after 200 troops stationed at the last military outpost fled on April 11. 

“We are trying to find ways that will cause the least harm to civilians,” said Saw Neh Da Htoo. He added that the KNU may take legal action against some surrendered troops but claimed that others will be allowed to live as civilians, if they refuse to return to the military. 

The KNU repelled a regime attack on Myawaddy on Sunday, “There is no need to worry that they [military] might retake the town. We fought with them and destroyed a tank and three trucks so far,” said Bo Saw Kaw, a commander of the resistance group Cobra Column. 

Pilgrims flock to Shwedagon Pagoda in Yangon to mark the beginning of the Burmese New Year on April 17. (Credit: CJ)

News by Region

ARAKAN—Humanitarian organization Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) stated that its office and pharmacy in Buthidaung Township, located in northern Arakan, was burnt down on Monday. It added that none of its staff were injured but all medical stock and equipment were destroyed. The statement did not assign blame. 

More than 200 homes in Buthidaung were burned down and thousands have been displaced from their homes in the town due to fighting between the Arakan Army (AA) and the military. MSF called on both sides not to violate international humanitarian law by targeting healthcare facilities. 

KACHIN—Nan Lwin, an expert on China at the Institute for Strategy and Policy (ISP Myanmar), told DVB that the capture of the border town of Loije and trade routes with China by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) gives it a bargaining power should it choose to negotiate with the regime.

“They have their kind of bargaining power in terms of negotiation in peace talks if China pressures them a lot,” she said. Nan Lwin added that China has been pressuring the KIA to engage in talks with Naypyidaw. Fighting between the KIA and the military intensified near the China border in January. 

SAGAING—A man was killed by artillery at a village beside the Chindwin River in Salingyi Township on Tuesday. “He had a three-year-old boy and wife,” said a Salingyi resident. Two civilians have been killed and three homes have been destroyed by airstrikes and artillery fired by the military since April 13.  

TANINTHARYI—Six military personnel were killed during a KNLA attack on the Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 107 in Myeik Township on Monday. The KNU claimed that 48 military personnel, including a battalion commander, surrendered. LIB 107 troops were intercepted by the KNLA after they were ordered to defend the Htihta strategic outpost. The KNU reiterated that it is holding troops who have surrendered in accordance with the Geneva Convention. 

Watch this: A vocational school run by the resistance to military rule. DVB English News is on X, Facebook, Instagram, Threads & TikTok. Subscribe on YouTube. Follow us on Spotify.

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