Guest contributor

Antonio Graceffo

In the early morning, Khun Bedu, the chairperson of the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF), dons his camouflage military uniform, proudly displaying the Karenni flag, and heads to a boot camp class. 

He observes the training, offers guidance, and delivers a motivational speech. From there, he moves on to a grimmer duty—attending two back-to-back funerals.

“I’ve been to too many funerals,” lamented the 40-year-old Karenni leader.

Despite leading a large force, Khun Bedu knows a surprising number of KNDF soldiers by name, along with their families and personal stories. 

The second funeral takes place at the family’s home, a modest bamboo structure. Inside, the body of the fallen soldier lies in repose. At his head, a photo of a boy—too young to be dead—shows him bright-eyed in military fatigues. 

Beside the photo, a small statue of the Virgin Mary stands watch. “He was Catholic, one of six children,” said Khun Bedu.

He was hit in the back by a mortar while trying to carry his wounded friend to the casualty collection point,” he added. His friend’s funeral was scheduled for the next day, and he was planning to attend. 

Khun Bedu consoled the young man’s mother, assuring that her son fought bravely and died for his people. He promises that her sacrifice will not be in vain.

Handing her a bundle of Burmese banknotes, Khun Bedu confirms that she has his personal phone number, pledging his continued support—whether for food or financial assistance. Back in the car, he shifts from military leader to civilian official. 

As vice-chair of the newly formed Karenni State Interim Executive Council (IEC), he removed his camouflage outer shirt, revealing a black long-sleeve golf shirt. Looking less like a soldier and more like a politician—a man of the people.

The next stop is a township meeting. There, Khun Bedu speaks with officials from the budgeting, planning, and transition departments—those responsible for structuring the administration and calculating the state’s budget.

Karenni State, also known as Kayah State, has been at war with the military regime since the 2021 coup like most other states in Myanmar. 

And, like other states, it is home to multiple ethnic groups, not only Karenni, but also Kayan, Karen, Shan, and others, as well as multiple ethnic armed organizations (EAOs). 

What is unique however, is that Karenni State, under the leadership of Khun Bedu has managed to bring most of the EAOs into the KNDF. And while some of the border guard forces in the area have not formally joined the KNDF and still wear their own uniform, they recognize the leadership of the KNDF.

In November, The Karenni State Interim Parliament established the United Karenni State Army (UKSA), an armed coalition under IEC and KNDF guidance. 

The UKSA unites ethnic armed groups, including the Karenni Army, the Karenni National People’s Liberation Front (KNPLF), the Karenni National Solidarity Organization (KNSO), the Demoso People’s Defense Force (PDF), and the KNDF. 

This landmark coalition represents a major stride toward building a unified army under the authority of a civilian-led state government.

Beyond military unification, Karenni State has taken significant steps toward establishing a civilian government. The IEC, aligned with the National Unity Government (NUG), has already set up departments for youth, education, health, economy, and more. 

Despite the war over the last four years, Karenni leaders are not waiting for its conclusion to transition to civilian governance.

“It’s all mostly civilian administration,” explained Khun Bedu. “But we need to go through the election and proper appointment process, so it will be in 2026. We already conducted our own census—the census is ours, not the military regime’s.”

The national census conducted by Naypyidaw last year was widely rejected by resistance groups nationwide, as it only accounts for populations in regime-controlled areas. 

Since national elections are based on this flawed census, most ethnic nationalities will be excluded from political participation and representation. In response, Karenni State is ignoring the regime’s planned election to hold its own state-wide poll.

The IEC hopes to begin issuing identification cards ahead of its elections in 2026. “We know the population, we have the data, and we understand how to transfer to a new administration.”

Although the regime still occupies parts of major cities, including the state capital Loikaw, Karenni leaders do not see retaking the city as a prerequisite for holding elections. 

“There are no civilians left in Loikaw,” said Khun Bedu, while suggesting that governance can proceed without KNDF military control over the capital.

Addressing the assembled leaders at the township meeting, Khun Bedu spoke about the broader situation in Karenni and the importance of educating the population—a process already underway through its education department.

“Now, it’s time to prove that we can govern our own area and develop our education system.” 

Beyond the constant threat of air and drone strikes, a major obstacle for the civilian government is funding. He urged administrators to work together and do as much as possible for the people. 

Transparency remains a key priority. 

As the IEC builds toward democratic self-rule, it has also demonstrated its growing capacity to respond to crises beyond the battlefield. 

In response to the devastating 7.7-magnitude earthquake that struck central Myanmar on March 28, the IEC has offered refuge to displaced survivors and pledged humanitarian support in coordination with local groups.

Khun Bedu said that aid must reach victims without benefiting the regime. He announced the allocation of emergency funds, the invitation for survivors to seek shelter in Karenni State, and efforts to coordinate cross-border humanitarian assistance. The IEC has also called on the international community for urgent aid.

This commitment to crisis response reflects a deeper philosophy guiding Khun Bedu and the Karenni leadership—one that sees the revolution as a means to rebuild, not just resist. He believes revolution is not just about political change—it is about rebuilding society.

His daily responsibilities shift between strategic military meetings on expelling regime forces from its remaining strongholds and civil discussions with community leaders and organizations to establish the foundations of a civilian government. 

Despite his military role, Bedu envisions a clear separation between the armed resistance forces and its governance structure, advocating for an elected civilian administration to lead Karenni State. 

In a stance rare among leaders in Burma, he has expressed not only his desire for full civilian governance but also his willingness to step away from the military in the future to reinforce that distinction.

Antonio Graceffo, PhD, holds advanced degrees in economics and national security. A graduate of American Military University, he has spent more than 20 years in Asia, contributing to think tanks and international media. 

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