Thursday, September 12, 2024
HomeOpinionIndia’s approach to the Myanmar crisis: Calls for a reassessment

India’s approach to the Myanmar crisis: Calls for a reassessment

Guest contributor

Salai Dokhar

Since Burma (Myanmar) gained independence on January 4, 1948, the country has faced severe instability. The military coup on February 1, 2021, has led to the worst crisis in Myanmar’s history. Over the past three years, this coup has resulted in the arrest and imprisonment of President Win Myint, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, and more than 27,141 individuals. 

Additionally, more than 5,472 innocent people have been violently killed, and over 95,000 buildings, including religious ones, have been burned down. Blasphemy has been used as a weapon on the battlefield, and there have been over 115 mass killings between 2021 and June 30, 2024. 

About 9,000 young men have been forcibly conscripted into military service. Moreover, an estimated 1.3 million people have fled their homes, with approximately 70,000 seeking refuge in India. Over 18.6 million people are facing famine.

Despite these atrocities, India’s government has continued to support the military regime by selling arms, failing to impose economic sanctions, allowing direct trade in the kyat and rupees, legitimizing it through diplomacy, and failing to support humanitarian aid for Myanmar refugees and the democracy movement.

Humanitarian failure

The Indian government has shown a weak response in helping Myanmar’s democracy movement. According to our data, 27 Myanmar refugees in Guwahati and seven in Silchar have been arrested and imprisoned in Assam, with over 209 detained in Manipur. Most of those arrested have completed their jail terms and paid fines, yet they and their families continue to suffer due to prolonged detention and human rights violations. 

They were asked for 50,000 rupees for their release. Mr. Demkholum Guite, 32, died in prison. At least six women have given birth in prison, and their babies are not allowed to be vaccinated. Due to the lack of clean drinking water, detainees are forced to use water from the prison restroom. 

The poor quality of food and water has led to severe health problems, including the need for appendicitis surgery. Detainees are allowed to shower only once every 1-2 weeks and are subjected to torture by other prisoners. We are concerned about the Indian government’s actions regarding the repatriation of 76 Myanmar refugees, as well as the potential handover of over 5,000 refugees, in Manipur.

Diplomatic support

After the military coup led by Min Aung Hlaing, various countries, including India, expressed concerns. On the day of the coup, India’s Ministry of External Affairs stated its concern and encouraged support for Myanmar’s democratic transformation process. Despite this, representatives of India attended the 76th Armed Forces Day ceremony in Naypyidaw on March 26, 2021, following the coup. 

India was the only country that sent high-ranking officials. India continued to maintain diplomatic relations with the regime, culminating in a meeting on June 25 between India’s Minister of External Affairs and the regime’s Minister of Foreign Affairs. India, like Russia and China, has been supporting the regime and is the only democratic country doing so.

On April 25, 2022, Vinay Kumar, the Indian ambassador to Myanmar, met with Thein Soe, chairperson of the regime’s Union Election Commission (UEC), and promised to cooperate in the planned upcoming election. 

By looking at the data, it is clear that India has rejected the results of Myanmar’s 2020 election and has recognized the regime. The Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) allows the military to participate as the government representative of the Union of Myanmar.

The Indian government is supporting the regime to legitimize it as the official government of Myanmar by inviting its representatives to the BIMSTEC summit. When India, one of the world’s largest democracies, supports a military committing some of the worst crimes in modern times, it fails to uphold democratic standards and ignores the hardships of the people in neighboring countries.

The Indian government allowed the military to hold the BIMSTEC National Security Chiefs meeting and sent representatives to Naypyidaw on July 26.

Weapons sales

Indian Public Sector Undertakings (PSUs), which are state-owned enterprises majority-owned by India, supply military equipment and weapons to the regime. These enterprises provide infrastructure and training, thereby encouraging ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Among them, there are 16 PSUs run by the Ministry of Defense of India. BrahMos Aerospace Private Limited, a joint venture between the Defense Research and Development Organization (DRDO) and Russia, has been in discussions with the military for the supply of missiles. 

Additionally, Myanmar military delegations were briefed at least twice by BrahMos Aerospace representatives. Garden Reach Shipbuilders and Engineers Limited (GRSE) issued an export order to supply Bailey Steel Bridges to the military.

In the company’s 2018-19 annual report, GRSE stated it had expanded its market to neighboring countries such as Myanmar. BEML Limited, a PSU under the Ministry of Defense, has sold and supported military equipment for the military. BEML manufactures heavy equipment used in the railway and mining industries. In 2019, BEML focused on exporting and selling defense equipment to neighboring countries, including Myanmar. 

In 2018, Hindustan Shipyards Limited (HSL) announced it was processing export orders with neighboring countries, including Myanmar. In 2020, India sold a Russian Kilo-class diesel-electric submarine to the Myanmar Navy. Additionally, Yantra India Ltd shipped a large number of 122-mm cannons to the military on October 27, 2022.

Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Limited (MDL) builds warships and submarines and signed an agency agreement for exports to Myanmar. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, India was the third largest importer of arms to Myanmar from 2017-2022. A September 2023 report by Vivekananda International Foundation confirmed that more than 50 percent of India’s total arms exports went to Myanmar.

Avoiding sanctions 

India is Myanmar’s fifth largest trading partner and has significant investment projects there. India relies on Myanmar for mung beans and cowpeas. Over the past three years, India has repeatedly extended the importation of these products, with allowances from the 2021-2022 fiscal year to the 2025-2026 fiscal year.

These imports result from a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with the military. Trade value between India and Myanmar decreased significantly from over $1,400 million USD in the 2020-2021 fiscal year to over $800 million USD in the 2021-2022 fiscal year, but rose again to over $1,360 million USD in the 2022-2023 fiscal year. 

The Indian Embassy in Myanmar is leading efforts for meetings to foster cooperation between business organizations. India is also pushing to implement the India-Myanmar-Thai tri-national highway and the Kaladan multi-purpose port transportation projects.

In January 2023, the Paletwa-Zorampu road construction resumed, and in February 2023, IRCON International was appointed to expedite the project’s completion. Regime leader Min Aung Hlaing opened Sittwe Port on May 9, 2023, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi proudly announced it. I

ndian investments in Myanmar and direct trade in Myanmar kyat are set to resume by 2024, with a successful initial test announced on July 2. Therefore, the government of India is complicit in the crimes committed by the military against the people of Myanmar by not imposing economic sanctions and by providing assistance to help avoid international economic sanctions.

Final appeal

At a time when Myanmar has the best potential for transitioning to a full democratic system, the application of good neighborliness and democratic ethics according to established standards, especially with the support and assistance of India, will bring many benefits to the people of both countries.

Therefore, the Indian government should immediately stop the human rights violations, release Myanmar refugee detainees who are demanding their release through hunger strikes, and halt the sale of weapons to the regime in Naypyidaw. Diplomatic relations with the military should be cut off, and they should no longer be treated as the legitimate government of Myanmar. Direct trade in kyat and rupees should be stopped until a democratic government emerges in Myanmar.

Moreover, the Indian government should develop a better strategy to balance China’s influence in its neighboring countries, especially in Myanmar. This is the best chance for India to counter China’s influence in its neighboring country with democratic values and support the people’s power to bring change in Myanmar.

India has the best chance to address Myanmar’s issues with a potentially acceptable approach for both sides because it is accepting thousands of Myanmar refugees. Since the 2021 coup, India’s border security has deteriorated, illegal drug trafficking has increased significantly, and the relationship between Indian revolutionary groups and the Myanmar military is stronger than ever, with the black arms market providing easy access to these groups. These problems, both direct and indirect, are a result of the Myanmar crisis affecting India.

Therefore, India should take a leading role in making peace in Myanmar and not side with the military for economic interests. Instead of spending over $3 billion USD to fence the border, against the will of the Indian people, India can find a better solution. This should involve supporting the Myanmar democracy movement and helping reform the nation into a federal democratic country with peace and stability. This approach would be less costly, provide higher political and economic advantages, and improve India’s global leadership.


Salai Dokhar is the founder of India for Myanmar, a New Delhi-based group advocating for human rights and democracy in Myanmar.

DVB publishes a diversity of opinions that does not reflect DVB editorial policy. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our stories: [email protected]

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