Guest contributor

Shwe Paw Mya Tin

The Spring Revolution in Myanmar, a popular uprising against the military coup of February 1, 2021, has been marked by widespread violence and human rights abuses. While the junta’s atrocities against civilians have been widely documented, a lesser-known aspect of the conflict has been the pervasive and devastating use of sexual violence against women and girls by both the military and the resistance forces.

The military’s reign of terror

The Myanmar military has a long history of using sexual violence as a weapon of war. During the Rohingya genocide, the military systematically raped and tortured Rohingya women and girls, driving one million of them to flee the country. Since the 2021 coup, similar tactics have been employed against civilians across Myanmar.

The military removed the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD). Since then, there have been increasing reports of rape and sexual violence against women, men, girls, boys, and LGBTQI+ individuals. Female political activists and LGBTQI+ people in detention are particularly vulnerable to sexual violence.

Nilar, a woman who was detained in 2022 by the military, shared her harrowing experience at the detention center: “They blindfolded me, pulled my hair, and beat me with an iron rod. They interrogated me for several hours, kicked my private parts, and refused to let me see a doctor.”

Both women and men have experienced sexual harassment, strip searches, rape, and sexual violence, including genital mutilation. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex persons reportedly suffer disproportionate levels of violence, abuse, and harassment from prison officials. Additionally, political prisoners have been subjected to torture using most or all of the aforementioned techniques.

In December 2021, Frontier Myanmar journalist Ye Mon was detained at Yangon International Airport. During his interrogation, he was brutally beaten and subjected to sexual abuse, including rape, for about an hour. He believes this is due to his journalism.

The case of Ye Mon, is a stark example of the pervasive threat of sexual violence in Myanmar. His ordeal highlights the vulnerability of individuals, particularly women, girls, and LGBTIQA+, to such horrific acts during military operations throughout the country.

A U.N. report on conflict-related sexual violence underscored the high risk faced by these groups, documenting instances of gang rapes, torture, and other forms of sexual abuse. The military has also employed sexual violence as a form of psychological torture, targeting women and girls to intimidate and terrorize their communities.

On August 24, 2023, a pregnant woman from Wetlet Township in the Sagaing Region was brutally tortured, repeatedly gang raped, and killed. Witnesses who discovered her body the day after her arrest reported that she had been stabbed in the chest, her ear with an earring had been severed, and an energy drink bottle had been inserted into her private parts.

Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe, the National Unity Government (NUG) Minister of Women, Youth, and Children Affairs, stated that they have documented 125 cases involving rape and murder since the 2021 coup. 

“We have collected these cases and submitted the data to the U.N. Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar for further prosecution, as the military council is beyond our control,” she said.

The dark side of the resistance

While the military’s atrocities are undeniable, it is crucial to acknowledge that resistance groups have also been implicated in cases of sexual violence. As the conflict has intensified, some members of the resistance have resorted to the same brutal tactics employed by the military. 

Several reports have documented instances of sexual abuse by resistance fighters, including rape and the targeting of women and girls for sexual exploitation. These cases raise serious concerns about the conduct of the resistance and the potential for human rights abuses on both sides of the conflict.

Resistance groups include the People’s Defense Force (PDF) – the armed wing of the NUG – the Local Defense Force (LDF), the People’s Security Force, as well as the more established Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs).

On August 30, 2022, four resistance fighters under the command of an NUG-linked local defense force in Chaung-U Township of Sagaing Region allegedly carried out an extrajudicial execution of seven civilians accused of being military informants.

The victims included five minors under the age of 18. Three of the four female victims were raped by the resistance fighters before being killed. Two of the victims were just 15-years-old. In a May 4, 2023 statement, the NUG acknowledged that the seven victims were ‘unlawfully killed’ but failed to address the alleged sexual violence.

In April and May 2023, eight members of the People’s Security Force in Saw Township of Magway Region allegedly raped a woman who had been detained for theft in an NUG-affiliated prison multiple times. Sources indicate that the local administrative head provided the woman with $200 USD as “compensation” for her experience. The NUG confirmed both cases and stated that they would be handled by a local civil court.

In May 2024, a complaint letter of a former staff member accusing Salai Issac Khen, a diplomatic representative of the NUG in India, of sexual harassment went viral on social media. Salai Isaac Khen had repeatedly harassed an ethnic Chin female employee who worked for 10 months as a secretary at the NUG Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ India office. Following her complaint, Salai Isaac Khen was suspended from his position on June 25.   

The NUG Protection from Sexual Harassment, Exploitation, and Abuses (PSHEA) Policy Central Committee announced on Aug. 3 that it had removed Salai Isaac Khen from his post, following an exhaustive review of documents, testimonies, and eyewitness accounts relating to his behaviour. 

According to the Ministry of Women, Youth, and Children Affairs, 33 cases of sexual violence have been recorded since the 2021 coup, perpetrated by members of the PDF, LDF, and EAOs.

The impact on survivors 

For survivors of sexual violence, the physical injuries can be devastating. Many suffer from internal injuries, sexually transmitted infections, and complications related to pregnancy. These physical scars often go untreated due to the lack of accessible healthcare, particularly in conflict zones where medical facilities are scarce or destroyed.

According to an interview with The Irrawaddy, a woman from Tedim Township of Chin State, who was seven months pregnant and a mother of four children, stated: “They bit my private parts and raped me twice. The pain was so unbearable that I felt like I almost lost the child.”

Soldiers broke into her house, threatened her husband, and raped her on Nov. 11, 2021. She had to walk seven miles while bleeding to another village to receive medical care.

However, the psychological impact is often even more profound. Survivors experience deep-seated trauma, leading to conditions such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and anxiety. The trauma is compounded by the stigma associated with sexual violence, which isolates victims and exacerbates their suffering.

“In our society, we were taught since we were young that being sexually abused is somehow a thing to be embarrassed about,”  said Yoe Aunt Min, a political officer with the ethnic armed group Bamar People’s Liberation Army (BPLA).

In the landmark report ‘License To Rape’ by the Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF) and Shan Women’s Action Network (SWAN) published in 2002, several women spoke of insomnia, loss of appetite, loss of weight, and lack of energy after experiencing sexual violence by soldiers. 

Some women mentioned feeling depressed, sad, and afraid. Several of the survivors mentioned feeling shame at what had happened, undoubtedly a result of prevailing gender attitudes and censure within the community.

“Mentally, some survivors have even attempted suicide, while physically, some have faced unwanted pregnancies,” said Lin Latt Sue, the general secretary of Generation Wave, a pro-democracy organization founded after the 2007 Saffron Revolution against military rule.

Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe, the NUG Minister of Women, Youth, and Children Affairs, stated: “We provide a 500,000 kyat (about $100 USD) for medical expenses and relocation. We are also working with mental health experts to support the survivors.”

The challenges of addressing sexual violence

Survivors also face significant barriers in accessing justice and support. In areas controlled by the military, reporting sexual violence is fraught with danger and often futile, as the authorities themselves are usually the perpetrators. 

Even in territories controlled by resistance groups, the lack of a formal judicial system and ongoing conflict makes it challenging for victims to seek redress. This lack of accountability and support perpetuates a cycle of silence and suffering, where many cases go unreported and unresolved.

“In our army, we have addressed and taken action against sexual harassment. Over the past three years, we have investigated more than 10 cases. The harshest punishment we’ve imposed so far is three months of imprisonment with hard labor,” said Yoe Aunt Min, the BPLA political officer.

She added that prison cells have been established in every camp within BPLA-controlled territories, with guards rotating shifts to maintain order.

Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe added that: “The real challenges are the lack of infrastructure necessary to achieve the rule of law, such as the inability to establish courts in every township and the absence of prisons during this transitional period.”

Conflict-related sexual violence has been widely recognized in international law, including under the Geneva Convention of 1948.

However, in Myanmar, impunity for past atrocities has enabled the military to continue committing widespread and systematic human rights violations and abuses against civilians, particularly those from ethnic minority populations and those who are perceived as against military rule.   

In a report by Tom Andrews, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, incidents of sexual violence by resistance groups are severely underreported. Survivors who report cases have been criticized for undermining the revolution.

Human rights defenders and local organizations conducting documentation and advocacy about sexual violence by the armed resistance have been accused of diverting attention away from the military’s abuses.

The pathway to healing

The path to healing for victims of sexual violence in Myanmar is long and arduous. It requires not only individual support but also a broader societal commitment to justice and accountability. By addressing the root causes of the conflict, including the military’s culture of impunity, and by providing victims with the support they need, it is possible to create a more just and equitable future for Myanmar.

“Despite widespread awareness and condemnation, this grotesque crime continues around the world. Far too often, the perpetrators walk free while survivors spend their entire lives in recovery,” said U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict on June 19.

As the Myanmar Spring Revolution continues to unfold, it is imperative that the international community remains vigilant in monitoring the situation and advocating for the protection of human rights. Despite the challenges, there are a number of organizations working to provide support to victims of sexual violence in Myanmar. These organizations offer medical care, counseling, and legal assistance to survivors, as well as advocacy for justice and accountability.

“Although CSOs and resistance forces can provide survivors with mental support, physical support—such as conducting investigations or taking action—remains weak,” said Lin Latt Sue.

Rosy, a woman who was raped by a member of the PDF last year in Dawei Township of Tanintharyi Region, located in southern Myanmar, faced threats from the family of the perpetrator. After filing a report with the NUG Ministry of Women, Youth, and Children Affairs, with the help of a local women’s rights organization, her own family also kicked her out of the house.

Despite her report to the NUG, the case has been delayed for over a year with no significant progress, aside from repeated requests for information. The PDF member who raped her still remains free and has yet to face any consequences. In an interview with the local news agency Dawei Watch, Rosy asked: “I want to know what justice is?”

On June 19, the non-profit organization Myanmar – Women, Peace, and Security issued a statement outlining the positions and demands of women within the revolution. The organization urged resistance groups to address seven key issues, including ensuring transparency in trial procedures, prosecuting perpetrators, and raising awareness about gender-based crimes in conflict, from the rank-and-file members to the top leadership.

Myanmar – Women, Peace, and Security is a non-profit organization that advocates for women’s participation in politics and peace, the prevention of sexual violence during conflict, and the provision of necessary protections and gender-sensitive support programs for humanitarian assistance to Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs).

Nilar, a woman who was detained in 2022 by the military, said she becomes angry whenever she thinks that perpetrators are still at large while she is suffering from their abuses. “I am in a safe place now and although my physical wounds have healed, the mental wounds will remain forever,” she said.

*Names have been changed due to security concerns

This article is supported by the Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development as part of the Media and Visual Journalism Fellowship on Militarism, Peace and Women’s Human Rights.

Shwe Paw Mya Tin is a freelance photojournalist from Myanmar. Her work has been featured in top international outlets like AFP, Reuters, and The Guardian. Currently living in Chiang Mai, she focuses on capturing the conflict in Myanmar, and the country’s exiled community.

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