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The end of the settlement: Yangon squat clearances uproot thousands

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A life’s worth of possessions are stacked in a heap on the ground. The owner of the ragged parcels, U Maw, looks in the other direction, at an imposing pile of timber that once was his home.

Yesterday morning, as soldiers looked on—fingers aching towards their triggers—U Maw had been forced to destroy what he once built on this land by his own labor. Around him, neighboring families had been ordered to deconstruct their homes, piece by piece, by themselves.

“We have no choice but to destroy the things that we built with our own hands. Otherwise the soldiers will destroy everything, and that will make everything useless,” U Maw said, despairingly.

On October 25, the Township General Administration Department of the Southern District of Yangon ordered the removal of businesses and settlements beside the Dagon-Thilawa Road. Three days later, approximately 100 people, including municipal leaders and armed security forces, arrived at the site, ready to perform a total clearance.

The eviction ran from 7 a.m. to 5 p.m., soldiers ripping apart the settlement’s famous dry food stores, slowly tearing down every obstacle in their path until they reached Kalawal village on the banks of the Bago River.

The morning of October 28 was an historic tragedy which had been long-delayed for Yangon’s squatters, an understated humanitarian disaster in Burma’s most developed urban area.

Whilst troops were beginning the destruction of Thanlyin’s settlements, a similar scene was already underway on the other side of town. 

To the north, in Hlaingtharyar, security forces had earlier closed the two arterial Bayintnaung Bridges that connect the township to central Yangon, leading to a huge backlog of trucks and cars blocking roads into Hlaing.

“There are between 7,000 and 8,000 squatters along the Yangon-Pathein highway, and half of them are moving this morning as a force of soldiers, police, members of YCDC [Yangon City Development Committee], and plainclothes security forces have arrived,” said a local man supporting the squatters. 

Military trucks entered Hlaingtharyar at around 6.30 a.m. yesterday morning, in tow: two bulldozers and some expectant prison vans.

“On seeing the convoy, some took their belongings; some even took pieces of their home,” the local man said.

“However, most of those moving were the wealthier few whose businesses had been doing alright; the working class residents didn’t leave. When I asked them what they would do, they said that they’d have to settle another empty plot because they’re unable to afford rent, and have nobody to go to for help,” he said.

The settlers from both sides of Yangon were moving following an ultimatum delivered by the military just three days previously. 

Settlements being torn down in Hlaingtharyar, north Yangon, yesterday

Despite the settlements hosting both homes and well-established small businesses for decades, the junta announced on October 25 that it was to demolish all homes. On the day of the announcement, 70 people were taken into temporary custody in Hlaingtharyar after protesting the order.

When troops returned, resistance was muted. 

“​​I believe the police and military had guns, most were threatened with detainment if they didn’t comply… Though it seems they are willing to do worse,” said one foreign social worker who had arranged transport for those fleeing the clearances.

“We had a small team […] taking lists of those who wanted to go to their hometowns and those who wanted to be moved to another location. However the volume is much much larger than we anticipated, originally we were told 100-150 people, then 1000-2000. Now there is a possibility of 20,000 in total, according to a contact.”

She told DVB that, due to the presence of troops, it had been too dangerous to transport those leaving yesterday. Her group will now ferry settlers today and into the weekend, “before the Tatmadaw burns everything”.

Whilst soldiers intimated those in Hlaingtharyar, a similar scene was unfolding in Thanlyin.

“The soldiers ordered us to sign an eviction notice, if not they said they will shoot us,” U Maw said.  

“Nobody dares to go against them as they carry weapons. I just had to watch them tear down the tents with bulldozers,” he added. 

 “They didn’t want anyone to take photos of the eviction, and it is still going on,” added a local Red Cross Society member. 

The Dagon-Thilawa Road settlements, Thanlyin, before the clearance

Like U Maw, a majority of the squatters with no place to go have congregated by the side of the road, watching others depart.

Established by the SLORC in 1998 as a resettlement for 300,000 migratory inhabitants of Yangon’s Downtown area, the settlements on the Yangon-Pathein Road also hosted thousands of people who fled the Ayeyarwady delta region following 2008’s Cyclone Nargis.

Under the NLD government, more than 250,000 squatter households had been issued resident certificates for Yangon Region, and plans were well underway to allow them to eventually get access to low-income housing.

Similarly, over 200 households have been located beside the No.2 Thanlyin Road for almost a decade, many of whom run small businesses; over 50 well-known dry food stores, fuel shops, and tea, coffee, and palm wine sellers lined the road, a source of both shelter and sustenance for local farm laborers from the surrounding fields of Thanlyin. Residents had made an agreement with Hluttaw representatives that they believed allowed them to stay.

Only now, with a dominant and unaccountable military rule over the land—held in the name of the state and military-backed landowners—have clearances become a reality.  

“Now it is all gone. They cut down the foundations of homes and destroyed everything: the place is empty now. Some people who have no place to go, like us, are sitting by the road with their belongings. I don’t know what to do,” said U Hla Htay, one of those now searching for a new beginning.

Pro-military rallies once again bolstered with paid stooges, witnesses say

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Two independent sources confirmed yesterday that a majority of recent pro-military protestors in a number of towns were paid by the military to attend rallies that were held on Monday. 

On October 25, pro-military rallies took place close to military bases in towns including Myitkyina and Putao in Kachin, in Pyin Oo Lwin, Madara, and Meiktila in Mandalay, as well as in Yangon, Naypyidaw, Lashio, Pathein, and Mawlamyine.

The protests come as tensions festering between those for and against Burma’s military institution have spilled out into open warfare, and when the eyes of Southeast Asia have fallen back upon Burma following the start of the ASEAN Summit.

One source, who preferred to remain anonymous to preserve the contingency of his activism work, said that, between 7 and 9 a.m., protests erupted in Aye Mya Tharyar ward and Panmatti village in Myitkyina. He says that the majority of protestors, if not all, were paid anywhere from K5,000 to K10,000 (US$2.8 – 5.6).

“It’s estimated that around 300 participated in the march, but bystanders dared not say anything, because it was held inside the military headquarters,” he said. “They chanted the slogans: ‘We don’t need UN support, who supports OIC,’ ‘We don’t want ASEAN,’ ‘Oppose the NUG and CRPH rioters, ‘oppose PDF, and ‘Myanmar military is our army.’”

In Kachin, the anonymous activist says the junta also played on ethnic tensions to bolster their numbers, noting that protests also consisted of those from Lisu and Shanni groups (some of whose leaders are strongly sympathetic to the military), Ma Ba Tha, the ultra-orthodox Buddhist group, and families of military personnel, who he says were ordered to attend. He added that this is not the first time the military has played on the tensions between the Lisu and Shanni People’s Army and the local Kachin Independence Army. 

“They have a feeling about the KIA, as they got arrested by the KIA and accused the KIA of asking for money,” the anonymous activist said. “By using those feelings, the Tatmadaw formed the Shanni People’s Army and Lisu People’s Army.”

Similar trends were reported in Pathein, where three-day rallies slowly garnered participants from October 25 to 27, peaking at 90 people on the second day, but falling to a mere 40 by October 27. 

Human rights activist U Tun Tun Oo reported that the majority of protestors in Pathein were recruited from the working class and poorer wards, with some offered up to K15,000 to participate. Despite trying to keep a safe distance from the protests himself, the activist says he could verify this through being in constant communication with those with pro-military allies.

“They are protesting, but look insecure. The pro-military protesters in Pathein were clearly either people who were out of money, informants (dalan), or members of the army. There really are not many people who support the military,” he said, echoing the theory that the protests were orchestrated to demonstrate alleged military support.

“In addition, these pro-military protests came across the country after the ASEAN’s meeting, which did not invite the junta leader to attend the summit,” he said, noting the suspicious trend of pro-military rallies appearing at times that the military feels insecure. 

Another anonymous source said that the military had used a similar tactic in other regions, paying up to K10,000 to people—largely those with low education and literacy levels—that soldiers had gathered.

Such bribery is certainly not a new tactic, and is reminiscent of junta-backed protests immediately following the coup, where protestors admitted to participating for between K2,000 and K10,000. After protests in many towns turned lethal, many others said that they had received orders, and in some cases weaponry, to cause violence towards pro-democracy protesters.

Appeal for Action

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OxyFeature

As editor in chief of one of the few remaining independent media organizations, we collect, check and spread the news about Burma. Through various credible contacts inside the military-ruled country, I receive heartbreaking messages about Covid-19 every day, which I think the international community ought to react to as an immediate urgency. One might ask why so alarming as every country around the world is facing the Covid-19 pandemic, but the case in Burma is different.

News of the deaths of close family, of best friends, of relatives, is no longer considered news at all. Loved ones failing in their desperate attempts to find oxygen, similarly, is no longer news. Families spending household savings to purchase faulty concentrators or overpriced and ineffective medicines; no longer news. The hundreds of deceased being cremated daily, the dark smoke of death lingering over Yangon both day and night; not news. The virus has spread across all layers of Burma’s society, indiscriminate and ruthless. Even the last of the frontline medical workers, not yet persecuted by the junta, are falling prey to Covid-19.

Since February’s coup, state hospitals will not admit a patient without “status” or a “connection” to the military nexus: even officers and their families have been denied treatment on arrival. Out of lack of resources or fear of reprisals, private hospitals have chosen to ignore the majority of patients, those lucky enough to find a bed have only been admitted under the proviso they bring their own supply of oxygen. As a result, people of all degrees of wealth, rank, and status have resorted to treating loved ones at home, with whatever medicine and equipment they can obtain, out of pure necessity.

Desperate for a cure, the Burmese people turned to Facebook for ‘magic solutions’. Social media is ablaze with all kinds of witchcraft and quackery, with endless posts containing well-repeated hearsay on topics ranging from techniques to save a life, to methods of increasing bodily oxygen levels, or potions that, once ingested, will certainly, remove the coronavirus. It is in no way strange to read such advice as inhaling the fumes of a hair-dryer to boost oxygen levels or to chew raw onion (three times a day) whilst absorbing the virus nullifying heat into one’s lungs.

We have tried hard to dispel these myths through our work, releasing broadcasts countering popular misconceptions and interviewing medical professionals to improve access to useful and correct knowledge. The examples above may sound preposterous to outsiders, but millions of Burmese, out of hope and desperate, have found refuge in such information.

Importantly, Burma has reached a point of total nihilism with regard to coronavirus facts and figures. The junta lacks the bandwidth, and certainly the motive, to promote data that in any way resembles realities on the ground. We receive anecdotal data from burial grounds, funeral services, and organizations thanklessly working to contain the outbreak. But, similarly, all this provides is rumour and numbers. The hard fact is that every single day, the news of many more dead and infected reaches us through the experiences of our households, our relatives, and our friends. And this news is always the most immediate. The experience of being so perpetually surrounded by death is hard to convey.

The whole world is vocally struggling to curb the spread of Covid-19. But, in the case of Burma, the people have been made voiceless. Our experience tells us that the military regime is either intentionally removing the last lifelines of help available to the Burmese people to quell challenges to their rule, or is woefully lacking in will and capacity to manage a crisis of their proportion. Before the February coup, Yangon had close to 20 well-functioning Covid-19 treatment centers. Now there are four, all essentially being left to fail, turning back almost all those who need life-saving attention. The military, whose targeting of medical professionals is well documented, has cornered itself. Instead of building emergency treatment centers and field hospitals, the regime is investing heavily in crematoriums.

Very soon, they recently announced, Yangon’s funeral pyres will have the capacity to cremate 3,000 corpses a day.

Burma needs immediate humanitarian intervention from the international community more than any time before. Burma desperately needs your attention and help now.

Aye Chan Naing

Chief Editor (DVB)

1st August 2021

Photos – MPA

How Retailers Can Cut Emissions

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When you need your company to have a new website or if you venture on updating your old webpage with a new look and functionality, the choices are versatile. Assuming that you will go the easy way and choose a theme for your WordPress website, the overall number of characteristics that you will need to keep in mind narrows down significantly.

All the WordPress themes that we have here have had a vast team of professional designers sketching, working and executing the ultimate visual look for it. With such a wide range of choices at hand, we strongly advise you to stick to the WordPress Theme that is based on your business’ or a closely related field.

I’m as proud of many of the things we haven’t done as the things we have done.EMMA DOE, Company CEO

When you need your company to have a new website or if you venture on updating your old webpage with a new look and functionality, the choices are versatile. Assuming that you will go the easy way and choose a theme for your WordPress website, the overall number of characteristics that you will need to keep in mind narrows down significantly. Often searching out the graphical symmetry in chaos, while still maintaining the personality and emotion of the subject. The excitement and anticipation as we waited to see the next piece of unpredictable chaos was electric.

Another school hit by airstrikes in Sagaing Region; Indian Army operation kills 10 on Myanmar border

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A school in Indaw Township, Sagaing Region, was destroyed by airstrikes on May 12. (Credit: Indaw Revolution)

Another school hit by airstrikes in Sagaing Region

At least two residents were killed and seven others were injured by three airstrikes and attacks on Henna village in Indaw Township of Sagaing Region on Monday, the People’s Defence Force (PDF) told DVB. Indaw, which is located 209 miles (336 km) north of the Sagaing Region capital Monywa, was seized by PDF-led resistance forces on April 7

“The two jet fighters targeted the village school,” a PDF member in Indaw told DVB. The death toll from airstrikes on a school operated by the National Unity Government (NUG) in Depayin Township on Monday has risen to 24, according to the PDF in Depayin, which is located 40-163 miles (64-262 km) north of Monywa and south of Indaw.

The NUG has documented that 240 schools have been damaged by 2,679 regime airstrikes from Jan. 1, 2023 up to May 12. At least 333 schools have been destroyed by regime attacks since the military coup on Feb. 1, 2021, according to DVB data. The regime renewed its April ceasefire on May 6 until the end of the month.

Indian Army operation kills 10 on Myanmar border 

The Indian Army reported that it had killed at least 10 militants in an ongoing operation in its northeastern Manipur State near the India-Burma border. Reuters reported in November that Indian militant groups that sought refuge and fought in Burma’s conflict had begun crossing the border back into India.

“Ten [militants] were [killed] and a sizable quantity of arms and ammunition have been recovered,” the Indian Army shared in a post on social media on May 14. It was referring to a fighting between its forces and unnamed armed groups along the 1,021 mile (1,643 km) long India-Burma border. 

Intercommunal violence in India’s Manipur State, which erupted in May 2023 has led to the deaths of nearly 260 people, with more than 60,000 displaced from their homes over the last two years. The state’s 3.2 million residents have been divided into two ethnic enclaves, a valley controlled by the ethnic majority Meiteis and the minority Kuki-dominated hills.

United Wa State Army stages another public execution

The United Wa State Army (UWSA) executed one of its members in Pangsang, the Wa Self-Administered Zone of northern Shan State, on Wednesday. The man was sentenced to death by the UWSA for selling ammunition to the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) without authorization, a resident told DVB. Pangsang is located 169 miles (271 km) east of the regional capital Lashio.

The resident added that the driver who allegedly helped transport the man convicted was sentenced to prison, but the length of his sentence is unknown. The man was convicted of selling 32,000 stolen bullets for over 400,000 Chinese yuan ($55,000 USD), according to a court report. He was arrested by the UWSA during a deal with the TNLA, a Wa media outlet affiliated with the UWSA reported. 

The UWSA carried out a previous public execution in Hopang town on Oct. 30. Hopang is located 92 miles (148 km) east of Lashio. The UWSA was handed control of Hopang and neighbouring Panlong by the Brotherhood Alliance, which includes the TNLA, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), and the Arakan Army (AA), on Jan. 10, 2024 after the towns were seized from regime forces during Operation 1027. 

News by Region

Airstrikes on Kyauktaw Township, Arakan State, killed three civilians on May 14. (Credit: Arakan Bay News)

ARAKAN—Kyauktaw Township residents told DVB that three civilians were killed and five were injured by airstrikes on Wednesday. This comes one day after airstrikes killed 13 civilians in Rathedaung Township on Tuesday. Rathedaung and Kyauktaw came under AA control one year ago. 

The AA condemned the airstrikes on civilian areas in a statement on May 14. Kyauktaw is located 60 miles (96 km) north of the state capital Sittwe, which is controlled by the regime. The Brotherhood Alliance announced a unilateral ceasefire on March 30, which was extended until May 31.

MANDALAY—Mogok Township residents told DVB that a man died while in TNLA detention – three days after his arrest – on May 11. Mogok, located 124 miles (200 km) north of Mandalay city, came under TNLA control on July 24.  

“We had nobody to turn to, or appeal to [for justice],” a family member of the victim told DVB on the condition of anonymity. The family added that the man was arrested for shouting at TNLA members on May 8. Relatives who saw the body said that he had bruises and a broken nose. 

SHAN—Sources close to regime authorities in Lashio told DVB on Wednesday that former ward and village administrators were reappointed. Lashio is located 174 miles (280 km) northeast of Mandalay and 243 miles (391 km) north of the Shan State capital Taunggyi.

“They’ve brought back their original personnel,” a source told DVB on the condition of anonymity. The MNDAA withdrew from Lashio and completed its handover to the regime on April 21 as a part of its China-brokered ceasefire agreement signed on Jan. 18

Lashio residents told DVB that the administration has yet to resume full operations due to ongoing repair work at its offices and at Lashio Airport, which were damaged during fighting between MNDAA and regime forces. No announcement has been made about when Lashio Airport will reopen.

(Exchange rate: $1 USD = 4,400 MMK) 

Interra Resources had not breached foreign sanctions in Myanmar, legal advisor says

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Interra Resources' onshore operations in Myanmar. (Credit: Interra Resources)

Singapore-listed petroleum explorer Interra Resources said on Thursday that a legal advisor it had appointed found that the company had not breached U.S. and E.U. sanctions in Myanmar.

The advisor’s report follows allegations from activist group Justice for Myanmar that Interra had helped supply the country’s military regime with oil and contributed to war crimes.

The company said in a statement that the risk of financial impact resulting from any potential violations of sanctions will also be minimal.

Myanmar has been in turmoil since the military overthrew the elected civilian government and jailed State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi on Feb. 1, 2021, triggering pro-democracy protests that morphed into a widening armed rebellion that has taken over swathes of the country.

Interra holds a participating interest of about 60 percent in Goldpetrol Joint Operating Company (GJOC), according to its website. GJOC operates two of the onshore producing oil fields in Chauk and Yenangyaung in central Myanmar.

GJOC secured the production-sharing contract for oil exploration and production with Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), Myanmar’s state oil company, in 1996. It was extended for 11 years in April 2017.

In February, Interra had said production-sharing contract between its subsidiary and MOGE was extended years before the military seized power in 2021.

After the 2021 coup in Myanmar, the U.S. and the E.U. imposed sanctions on MOGE.

REUTERS

Construction tycoon among 17 wanted in Thailand over deadly tower collapse 

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Rescue workers operate heavy equipment at the site of a collapsed high-rise building, one month after the March 28 earthquake, in Bangkok, Thailand on April 28. (Credit: Reuters)

A Thai court has issued arrest warrants for 17 people including a high-profile construction tycoon, police said on Thursday, over their alleged involvement in the building of a skyscraper that collapsed and killed scores of workers during the March 28 earthquake.

Search teams recovered 89 bodies in a six-week operation in the rubble of the partially constructed 30-storey State Audit Office tower in the capital Bangkok, which was the only skyscraper to collapse during tremors caused by the 7.7 magnitude quake in neighbouring Myanmar.

The charges included building code violations that caused deaths, carrying a maximum sentence of life imprisonment, said deputy Bangkok police chief, Police Major General Somkuan Puengsap.

Thai authorities are investigating the cause of the building collapse and have yet to release findings. It was one of the deadliest accidents of its kind in Thailand and seven people are still missing.

An anti-corruption watchdog has said it had flagged to authorities irregularities in the construction of the skyscraper before it collapsed, while industry officials said initial tests of materials at the site indicated the presence of substandard steel.

Those charged include executives and engineers from seven companies involved in the design, construction and building supervision of the collapsed tower, police said, without providing more details.

Police named only one of the 17 wanted individuals, Premchai Karnasuta, a former president of Thailand’s largest construction company Italian Thai Development Pcl.

Italian Thai Development has held meetings with investors and has said it was cooperating with the probe. Premchai could not be reached for comment on Thursday.

He was convicted and sentenced to more than three years in jail in 2021 for poaching protected species after he was caught by rangers at a jungle campsite in a wildlife sanctuary with carcasses of protected animals, including a black Indochinese leopard.

REUTERS

‘Frontline Hospital’ film documents medics in Myanmar

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Augustine, a medical doctor featured in the documentary film "Frontline Hospital," speaks to the audience after a screening in Chiang Mai, Thailand, on May 9. (Credit: DVB)

A documentary film called “Frontline Hospital,” which features medics working along the Myanmar-Thailand border, was screened at the McGilvary College of Divinity in Chiang Mai, Thailand on May 9. The 28-minute film is in Burmese with English subtitles. Read more and check out photos from the event here.

Is Argentina’s warrant against Aung San Suu Kyi a mistake?

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Aung San Suu Kyi greeting supporters after her release from house arrest in 2010. Next to her is close confidante Htin Kyaw, who served as Burma's president under her National League for Democracy government, from 2016-18. (Photo: AFP)

Rodion Ebbighausen for DW

Aung San Suu Kyi served as Myanmar’s top civilian leader before being ousted and imprisoned by the military junta. Why did an Argentinian court ordered an international warrant for her arrest?

It is rare for an international arrest warrant to be issued against a Nobel Peace Prize laureate and political prisoner whose release is demanded by both the U.N. General Assembly and the U.N. Security Council. However, this is precisely what occurred in February this year, when an Argentinian court asked for the arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi.

The court’s decision applies to 25 Myanmar citizens wanted on charges linked to genocide and crimes against humanity. The list includes not only Myanmar’s military leader Min Aung Hlaing, but also former State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and former President Htin Kyaw. Suu Kyi effectively served as Myanmar’s top civilian leader before the military staged a coup in February 2021. She has been imprisoned ever since.

The court in Argentina claims it has the jurisdiction to order a warrant for Suu Kyi’s arrest based on a legal principle that some serious crimes can be prosecuted regardless of where they were committed.

The specific case focuses on discrimination against Myanmar’s Rohingya ethnic minority. The Muslim Rohingya live predominantly in the western state of Rakhine, and their status as citizens and as an ethnic group recognized by the state of Myanmar has been disputed for decades.

The Rohingya crisis of 2017

Since 1988, Myanmar has seen an ongoing political conflict between the military and military-backed parties on one side and Aung San Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy, on the other. In 2016, after many years of stalemate, the military and Aung San Suu Kyi reached a truce. A kind of dual government was established, with Aung San Suu Kyi heading the civilian branch and Min Aung Hlaing heading the military, which had constitutionally secured independence and far-reaching political rights.

On October 9, 2016, Rohingya insurgents attacked several border and police posts of the Myanmar security forces. In August 2017, the security forces launched so-called “clearance operations.” As a result, thousands of Rohingya were killed and around 700,000 fled to neighboring Bangladesh, with exact figures still unclear due to the nature of the ethnically-charged conflict.

While the military denied using excessive force, international watchdogs and the UN agree that Myanmar’s actions against the Rohingya constitute grave human rights violations. Still, two questions remain: First, did the offensive amount to genocide? Second, how much of it was the responsibility of Aung San Suu Kyi?

The question of genocide

Concerns that a genocide was happening in Myanmar have already been voiced before 2017. In 2015, the human rights organization Fortify Rights published a report with the Allard K. Lovenstein International Human Rights Clinic from Yale Law School in which was stated that there is “strong evidence that genocide is being committed against Rohingya.”

Those voices only grew louder after 2017, and in November 2019, Gambia initiated a case at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) against Myanmar, claiming violations of the UN’s Genocide Convention. The ICJ has yet to rule on the case, however, meaning that the existence of genocide remains unconfirmed in a legal sense.

But for human rights organizations like Fortify Rights, the Burmese-Rohingya Organization UK (BROUK) and the former UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, Tomas Ojea Quintana, there is no doubt that genocide did take place.

Quintana, an Argentinian, told Radio Free Asia that the court in his native country “understood what was at stake, which is the genocide against the Rohingya people.”

The question of responsibility

Aung San Suu Kyi was a globally renowned human rights advocate since the early 1990s until the events of 2017. She was also heading Myanmar’s civilian government during the deadly wave of violence against the Rohingya.

As chief councilor, she was notably hesitant to speak out against the military and even went to The Hague in 2019 to defend Myanmar at the International Court of Justice. She denied genocide was happening in Rakhine but admitted human rights violations, which would be investigated by Myanmar.

She later confirmed this position in an interview with the Financial Times.

“War crimes were committed during the internal armed conflict with the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army by members of Myanmar’s security forces and civilians,” she told the paper.

At the same time, Aung San Suu Kyi pointed to a report by the Independent Commission of Enquiry (ICOE) which was set up by Myanmar without Rohingya representatives.

“The ICOE found no evidence of genocide,” she told the paper, despite its report recording “killing of civilians, disproportionate use of force, looting of property, and destruction of abandoned homes of Muslims.”

For those who believe Myanmar troops committed genocide against the Rohingya, Aung San Suu Kyi’s refusal to recognize it makes her complicit. But does her stance —  admitting that human rights violations happened but not genocide — mean Aung San Suu Kyi is guilty of committing genocide?

What do we know about the Argentinian court order?

The reasons behind the Argentinian court’s decision to seek an international arrest warrant are not fully clear, as neither the ruling nor the exact evidence on which the ruling was based are publicly available. DW contacted the Argentinian court and the Argentinian human rights commission to get more information in the matter, but received no reply.  

In the months following the announcement, Myanmar expert and former ambassador Derek Tonkin published an academic paper on the issue, examining the sources which most likely led to the arrest warrant. He writes that “the petition [on which the decision of the court seems to be based] contains much narrative and opinion which are debatable and questionable, and in some areas are simply wrong.”

Commenting on the claim that Aung San Suu Kyi and others validated the genocide against the Rohingya, Tonkin states, “it is not true and is supported by no evidence anywhere in the petition.”

Tonkin also rejects the accusation that Aung San Suu Kyi was directly responsible for the events in Rakhine State during her time as state counsellor at the time.

“I find this totally unconvincing. The Tatmadaw [the Myanmar military] refused to accept Aung San Suu Kyi’s appointment,” he writes. 

So far, the arrest warrant hasn’t had any impact. Aung San Suu Kyi seems set to celebrate her 80th birthday next month as a prisoner in Myanmar as the civil war rages on. With the passage of time, the international arrest warrant might end up as a mere footnote in a long political career filled with legal battles.

Airstrikes kill 13 civilians in Arakan State; Another two killed and seven injured by regime in Sagaing Region

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Two airstrikes killed 13 residents of Tunrawai village in Rathedaung Township, Arakan State, on May 13. (Credit: Arakan Princess Media)

Airstrikes kill 13 civilians in Arakan State

Residents of Rathedaung Township in Arakan State told DVB that airstrikes killed at least 13 civilians and injured over 20 others in Tunrawai village on Tuesday. Rathedaung came under Arakan Army (AA) control on March 17, 2024. It is located 44 miles (71 km) north of the Arakan State capital Sittwe, which is still under regime control. 

“Most of the deceased were women and children,” a Rathedaung resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity. Another resident told DVB that Rathedaung had been peaceful for the last year and accused the regime of deliberately targeting civilians there. The AA controls 14 out of 17 Arakan townships except Sittwe, Kyaukpyu and Manaung. 

The AA, along with the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA)—known collectively as the Brotherhood Alliance—announced a unilateral ceasefire starting on March 30 for earthquake relief, which was extended until May 31. 

Another 2 killed and 7 injured by regime in Sagaing Region

At least two residents of Sakhantha village in Wetlet Township of Sagaing Region were killed and seven others were injured by an airstrike carried out by the Burma Air Force on Tuesday, a Wetlet Information Network spokesperson told DVB. 

“The same jet carried out another airstrike on Ngapioh village in Shwebo Township a few minutes later,” Nagarlay told DVB, adding that he was unable to confirm the number of casualties in Ngapioh village. Wetlet and Shwebo are located 50-59 miles (80-95 km) east and northeast of the Sagaing Region capital Monywa.

A People’s Defence Force (PDF) member in Wetlet Township told DVB that there was no ongoing fighting with regime forces in the township. Residents of Ywartawgon village in Wetlet told DVB that eight civilians were killed by airstrikes on Saturday. The regime announced its unilateral ceasefire April 2-30, which it renewed from May 6-31. 

A broken Buddha statue inside a damaged pagoda following the March 28 earthquake in Amarapura Township, Mandalay Region, on April 4. (Credit: Reuters)

Mandalay monastery receives no assistance from Naypyidaw

A Buddhist monk at the Mogaung Monastery in Mandalay Region told DVB that they had still not received any assistance from the regime in Naypyidaw to rebuild buildings destroyed by the earthquake. Mandalay, located 15 miles (24 km) east of the earthquake epicenter in Sagaing Region, reported at least 2,916 deaths, according to DVB data. 

“We will have to rely on individual donors for restoration,” Dhamma Dipatra Linkara told DVB. The earthquake destroyed 35 buildings within the monastery compound. The monk added that since March 28 everyone living at the Mogaung Monastery has been sleeping in temporary shelters with only palm branches to protect them from the elements.

The National Unity Government (NUG) has reported that the earthquake caused damage to 5,324 religious buildings, including Buddhist temples, mosques, and churches, either partially or completely. The regime has calculated that 3,094 monasteries and nunneries, and 5,275 pagodas were destroyed on March 28. 

News by Region

TANINTHARYI—A group calling itself the Ba Htoo Army told DVB on Tuesday that it had detained 40 Rohingya after a boat they were traveling in landed on a beach in Launglon Township on May 9. Longlone is located 12 miles (19 km) south of the region’s capital Dawei.

“They were detained under conditions that adhere to human rights. We are currently in contact with individuals and organizations who can provide assistance to them,” the Ba Htoo Army’s information officer told DVB. He added that the 40 Rohingya had been deported from India.

AYEYARWADY—A resident of Yekyi Township told DVB on the condition of anonymity that AA-led resistance forces launched three attacks on regime guard posts near Artillery Battalion 344 in Myauksan village over the past two weeks. Yekyi is located 53 miles (85 km) north of the region’s capital Pathein.

Sources told DVB that at least 10 retaliatory airstrikes were carried out on resistance forces at the Kyauktaung Bway hill, located seven miles (11 km) from Myauksan village, on Sunday. The Yenantha checkpoint has restricted access along the road connecting Ayeyarwady to Arakan State in Ngathaingchaung town. 

SHAN—Residents of Nawnghkio Township reported that seven houses were destroyed by an airstrike on Tuesday. Nawnghkio is located 95 miles (154 km) southwest of the regional capital Lashio. It has been under the control of the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) since July. 

“The explosion we heard last night was extremely powerful. People have been evacuating the area since peace talks failed,” a Nawnghkio resident told SHAN, referring to the China-brokered ceasefire talks between the regime and the TNLA, which ended on April 29.

Four people, including a five-year-old child, were killed by an artillery artillery attack on Nawnghkio on Thursday. The death toll rose to 10 after six others who were injured died at the hospital while receiving medical treatment, SHAN reported.

(Exchange rate: $1 USD = 4,400 MMK) 

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