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The end of the settlement: Yangon squat clearances uproot thousands

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A life’s worth of possessions are stacked in a heap on the ground. The owner of the ragged parcels, U Maw, looks in the other direction, at an imposing pile of timber that once was his home.

Yesterday morning, as soldiers looked on—fingers aching towards their triggers—U Maw had been forced to destroy what he once built on this land by his own labor. Around him, neighboring families had been ordered to deconstruct their homes, piece by piece, by themselves.

“We have no choice but to destroy the things that we built with our own hands. Otherwise the soldiers will destroy everything, and that will make everything useless,” U Maw said, despairingly.

On October 25, the Township General Administration Department of the Southern District of Yangon ordered the removal of businesses and settlements beside the Dagon-Thilawa Road. Three days later, approximately 100 people, including municipal leaders and armed security forces, arrived at the site, ready to perform a total clearance.

The eviction ran from 7 a.m. to 5 p.m., soldiers ripping apart the settlement’s famous dry food stores, slowly tearing down every obstacle in their path until they reached Kalawal village on the banks of the Bago River.

The morning of October 28 was an historic tragedy which had been long-delayed for Yangon’s squatters, an understated humanitarian disaster in Burma’s most developed urban area.

Whilst troops were beginning the destruction of Thanlyin’s settlements, a similar scene was already underway on the other side of town. 

To the north, in Hlaingtharyar, security forces had earlier closed the two arterial Bayintnaung Bridges that connect the township to central Yangon, leading to a huge backlog of trucks and cars blocking roads into Hlaing.

“There are between 7,000 and 8,000 squatters along the Yangon-Pathein highway, and half of them are moving this morning as a force of soldiers, police, members of YCDC [Yangon City Development Committee], and plainclothes security forces have arrived,” said a local man supporting the squatters. 

Military trucks entered Hlaingtharyar at around 6.30 a.m. yesterday morning, in tow: two bulldozers and some expectant prison vans.

“On seeing the convoy, some took their belongings; some even took pieces of their home,” the local man said.

“However, most of those moving were the wealthier few whose businesses had been doing alright; the working class residents didn’t leave. When I asked them what they would do, they said that they’d have to settle another empty plot because they’re unable to afford rent, and have nobody to go to for help,” he said.

The settlers from both sides of Yangon were moving following an ultimatum delivered by the military just three days previously. 

Settlements being torn down in Hlaingtharyar, north Yangon, yesterday

Despite the settlements hosting both homes and well-established small businesses for decades, the junta announced on October 25 that it was to demolish all homes. On the day of the announcement, 70 people were taken into temporary custody in Hlaingtharyar after protesting the order.

When troops returned, resistance was muted. 

“​​I believe the police and military had guns, most were threatened with detainment if they didn’t comply… Though it seems they are willing to do worse,” said one foreign social worker who had arranged transport for those fleeing the clearances.

“We had a small team […] taking lists of those who wanted to go to their hometowns and those who wanted to be moved to another location. However the volume is much much larger than we anticipated, originally we were told 100-150 people, then 1000-2000. Now there is a possibility of 20,000 in total, according to a contact.”

She told DVB that, due to the presence of troops, it had been too dangerous to transport those leaving yesterday. Her group will now ferry settlers today and into the weekend, “before the Tatmadaw burns everything”.

Whilst soldiers intimated those in Hlaingtharyar, a similar scene was unfolding in Thanlyin.

“The soldiers ordered us to sign an eviction notice, if not they said they will shoot us,” U Maw said.  

“Nobody dares to go against them as they carry weapons. I just had to watch them tear down the tents with bulldozers,” he added. 

 “They didn’t want anyone to take photos of the eviction, and it is still going on,” added a local Red Cross Society member. 

The Dagon-Thilawa Road settlements, Thanlyin, before the clearance

Like U Maw, a majority of the squatters with no place to go have congregated by the side of the road, watching others depart.

Established by the SLORC in 1998 as a resettlement for 300,000 migratory inhabitants of Yangon’s Downtown area, the settlements on the Yangon-Pathein Road also hosted thousands of people who fled the Ayeyarwady delta region following 2008’s Cyclone Nargis.

Under the NLD government, more than 250,000 squatter households had been issued resident certificates for Yangon Region, and plans were well underway to allow them to eventually get access to low-income housing.

Similarly, over 200 households have been located beside the No.2 Thanlyin Road for almost a decade, many of whom run small businesses; over 50 well-known dry food stores, fuel shops, and tea, coffee, and palm wine sellers lined the road, a source of both shelter and sustenance for local farm laborers from the surrounding fields of Thanlyin. Residents had made an agreement with Hluttaw representatives that they believed allowed them to stay.

Only now, with a dominant and unaccountable military rule over the land—held in the name of the state and military-backed landowners—have clearances become a reality.  

“Now it is all gone. They cut down the foundations of homes and destroyed everything: the place is empty now. Some people who have no place to go, like us, are sitting by the road with their belongings. I don’t know what to do,” said U Hla Htay, one of those now searching for a new beginning.

Pro-military rallies once again bolstered with paid stooges, witnesses say

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Two independent sources confirmed yesterday that a majority of recent pro-military protestors in a number of towns were paid by the military to attend rallies that were held on Monday. 

On October 25, pro-military rallies took place close to military bases in towns including Myitkyina and Putao in Kachin, in Pyin Oo Lwin, Madara, and Meiktila in Mandalay, as well as in Yangon, Naypyidaw, Lashio, Pathein, and Mawlamyine.

The protests come as tensions festering between those for and against Burma’s military institution have spilled out into open warfare, and when the eyes of Southeast Asia have fallen back upon Burma following the start of the ASEAN Summit.

One source, who preferred to remain anonymous to preserve the contingency of his activism work, said that, between 7 and 9 a.m., protests erupted in Aye Mya Tharyar ward and Panmatti village in Myitkyina. He says that the majority of protestors, if not all, were paid anywhere from K5,000 to K10,000 (US$2.8 – 5.6).

“It’s estimated that around 300 participated in the march, but bystanders dared not say anything, because it was held inside the military headquarters,” he said. “They chanted the slogans: ‘We don’t need UN support, who supports OIC,’ ‘We don’t want ASEAN,’ ‘Oppose the NUG and CRPH rioters, ‘oppose PDF, and ‘Myanmar military is our army.’”

In Kachin, the anonymous activist says the junta also played on ethnic tensions to bolster their numbers, noting that protests also consisted of those from Lisu and Shanni groups (some of whose leaders are strongly sympathetic to the military), Ma Ba Tha, the ultra-orthodox Buddhist group, and families of military personnel, who he says were ordered to attend. He added that this is not the first time the military has played on the tensions between the Lisu and Shanni People’s Army and the local Kachin Independence Army. 

“They have a feeling about the KIA, as they got arrested by the KIA and accused the KIA of asking for money,” the anonymous activist said. “By using those feelings, the Tatmadaw formed the Shanni People’s Army and Lisu People’s Army.”

Similar trends were reported in Pathein, where three-day rallies slowly garnered participants from October 25 to 27, peaking at 90 people on the second day, but falling to a mere 40 by October 27. 

Human rights activist U Tun Tun Oo reported that the majority of protestors in Pathein were recruited from the working class and poorer wards, with some offered up to K15,000 to participate. Despite trying to keep a safe distance from the protests himself, the activist says he could verify this through being in constant communication with those with pro-military allies.

“They are protesting, but look insecure. The pro-military protesters in Pathein were clearly either people who were out of money, informants (dalan), or members of the army. There really are not many people who support the military,” he said, echoing the theory that the protests were orchestrated to demonstrate alleged military support.

“In addition, these pro-military protests came across the country after the ASEAN’s meeting, which did not invite the junta leader to attend the summit,” he said, noting the suspicious trend of pro-military rallies appearing at times that the military feels insecure. 

Another anonymous source said that the military had used a similar tactic in other regions, paying up to K10,000 to people—largely those with low education and literacy levels—that soldiers had gathered.

Such bribery is certainly not a new tactic, and is reminiscent of junta-backed protests immediately following the coup, where protestors admitted to participating for between K2,000 and K10,000. After protests in many towns turned lethal, many others said that they had received orders, and in some cases weaponry, to cause violence towards pro-democracy protesters.

Appeal for Action

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OxyFeature

As editor in chief of one of the few remaining independent media organizations, we collect, check and spread the news about Burma. Through various credible contacts inside the military-ruled country, I receive heartbreaking messages about Covid-19 every day, which I think the international community ought to react to as an immediate urgency. One might ask why so alarming as every country around the world is facing the Covid-19 pandemic, but the case in Burma is different.

News of the deaths of close family, of best friends, of relatives, is no longer considered news at all. Loved ones failing in their desperate attempts to find oxygen, similarly, is no longer news. Families spending household savings to purchase faulty concentrators or overpriced and ineffective medicines; no longer news. The hundreds of deceased being cremated daily, the dark smoke of death lingering over Yangon both day and night; not news. The virus has spread across all layers of Burma’s society, indiscriminate and ruthless. Even the last of the frontline medical workers, not yet persecuted by the junta, are falling prey to Covid-19.

Since February’s coup, state hospitals will not admit a patient without “status” or a “connection” to the military nexus: even officers and their families have been denied treatment on arrival. Out of lack of resources or fear of reprisals, private hospitals have chosen to ignore the majority of patients, those lucky enough to find a bed have only been admitted under the proviso they bring their own supply of oxygen. As a result, people of all degrees of wealth, rank, and status have resorted to treating loved ones at home, with whatever medicine and equipment they can obtain, out of pure necessity.

Desperate for a cure, the Burmese people turned to Facebook for ‘magic solutions’. Social media is ablaze with all kinds of witchcraft and quackery, with endless posts containing well-repeated hearsay on topics ranging from techniques to save a life, to methods of increasing bodily oxygen levels, or potions that, once ingested, will certainly, remove the coronavirus. It is in no way strange to read such advice as inhaling the fumes of a hair-dryer to boost oxygen levels or to chew raw onion (three times a day) whilst absorbing the virus nullifying heat into one’s lungs.

We have tried hard to dispel these myths through our work, releasing broadcasts countering popular misconceptions and interviewing medical professionals to improve access to useful and correct knowledge. The examples above may sound preposterous to outsiders, but millions of Burmese, out of hope and desperate, have found refuge in such information.

Importantly, Burma has reached a point of total nihilism with regard to coronavirus facts and figures. The junta lacks the bandwidth, and certainly the motive, to promote data that in any way resembles realities on the ground. We receive anecdotal data from burial grounds, funeral services, and organizations thanklessly working to contain the outbreak. But, similarly, all this provides is rumour and numbers. The hard fact is that every single day, the news of many more dead and infected reaches us through the experiences of our households, our relatives, and our friends. And this news is always the most immediate. The experience of being so perpetually surrounded by death is hard to convey.

The whole world is vocally struggling to curb the spread of Covid-19. But, in the case of Burma, the people have been made voiceless. Our experience tells us that the military regime is either intentionally removing the last lifelines of help available to the Burmese people to quell challenges to their rule, or is woefully lacking in will and capacity to manage a crisis of their proportion. Before the February coup, Yangon had close to 20 well-functioning Covid-19 treatment centers. Now there are four, all essentially being left to fail, turning back almost all those who need life-saving attention. The military, whose targeting of medical professionals is well documented, has cornered itself. Instead of building emergency treatment centers and field hospitals, the regime is investing heavily in crematoriums.

Very soon, they recently announced, Yangon’s funeral pyres will have the capacity to cremate 3,000 corpses a day.

Burma needs immediate humanitarian intervention from the international community more than any time before. Burma desperately needs your attention and help now.

Aye Chan Naing

Chief Editor (DVB)

1st August 2021

Photos – MPA

How Retailers Can Cut Emissions

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When you need your company to have a new website or if you venture on updating your old webpage with a new look and functionality, the choices are versatile. Assuming that you will go the easy way and choose a theme for your WordPress website, the overall number of characteristics that you will need to keep in mind narrows down significantly.

All the WordPress themes that we have here have had a vast team of professional designers sketching, working and executing the ultimate visual look for it. With such a wide range of choices at hand, we strongly advise you to stick to the WordPress Theme that is based on your business’ or a closely related field.

I’m as proud of many of the things we haven’t done as the things we have done.EMMA DOE, Company CEO

When you need your company to have a new website or if you venture on updating your old webpage with a new look and functionality, the choices are versatile. Assuming that you will go the easy way and choose a theme for your WordPress website, the overall number of characteristics that you will need to keep in mind narrows down significantly. Often searching out the graphical symmetry in chaos, while still maintaining the personality and emotion of the subject. The excitement and anticipation as we waited to see the next piece of unpredictable chaos was electric.

Hanoi to deepen defence ties with Naypyidaw; Justice For Myanmar condemns Vietnam for hosting regime leader

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Vietnam's President Tô Lâm with Myanmar regime leader Min Aung Hlaing at the National Assembly Building in Hanoi, Vietnam, on Sept. 5, 2026. (Credit: Reuters)

Hanoi agrees to deepen defence ties with Naypyidaw

Vietnam agreed to deepen defence and security cooperation with the military regime in Burma, elevating the sector to a pillar of ​bilateral ties as Vietnamese leader Tô Lâm hosted ‌regime leader Min Aung Hlaing in Hanoi from Sept. 4-6. The two agreed to expand cooperation in information sharing, military training, exchanges between officers, search-and-rescue operations and ​disaster response.

“Vietnam stands ⁠ready to share its experience in national development, ensuring economic ​security and fostering sustainable growth,” Vietnamese President Tô Lâm was quoted as saying ​by state media during the talks with Min Aung Hlaing, according to a statement. Both sides also reaffirmed a commitment not to allow any individual or organisation to use one country’s territory ​for activities against the other. 

The Hanoi summit was held during Min ​Aung Hlaing’s first official visit to Vietnam after being inaugurated Burma’s president on April 10. The two ‌said they would strengthen political trust through more high-level exchanges, make better use of existing bilateral cooperation mechanisms, as well as create closer ties within the 11-member regional bloc, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

Read the full article on our website

Justice For Myanmar condemns Vietnam for hosting regime leader

The whistleblower group Justice For Myanmar (JFM) condemned Vietnam’s decision to host Min Aung Hlaing in Hanoi from Sept. 4-6, adding that any engagement with Naypyidaw will deepen ties through telecommunications, military equipment, aviation fuel and military training with a regime accused of committing crimes against humanity on its own civilian population.

“Vietnam must stop backing a military junta that is slaughtering civilians, committing rape and sexual torture,” Yadanar Maung, the JFM spokesperson, stated in a press release on Sept. 3. “The Myanmar military’s ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity are supported by revenue, technology and surveillance support from Vietnam through Mytel,” added Yadanar Maung.

Min Aung Hlaing met with Vietnamese President Tô Lâm and executives from Vietnamese companies, including Viettel and VinFast. He also attended a Myanmar-Vietnam business forum. The state-owned telecommunications company Viettel launched a joint venture in 2018 with the military’s Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) known as MyTel. VinFast is a Vietnamese electric vehicle manufacturer founded in 2017.

Read the full article on our website

The front entrance to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees office in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, on an unknown date. (Credit: FMT)

Regime vows ‘safe’ returns ahead of Malaysia refugee repatriations

Naypyidaw pledged “safe and dignified” returns for Burma nationals displaced abroad, after the U.N. and rights groups raised concerns about the upcoming repatriation of 1,500 refugees from Malaysia. The regime’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs also repeated its disavowal of the persecuted ethnic Rohingya nationality, members of which campaigners fear may be plunged back into danger by the repatriation scheme.

Non-refoulement is a core rule of international law that bans countries from forcing refugees or asylum seekers back to a place where they face torture, cruel treatment, or threats to life and freedom. In July, Malaysia said Myanmar had agreed to take back 5,000 members of the Rohingya nationality, an ethnic group which has faced a campaign of violent discrimination and genocide in Burma since at least 2017.

Both countries say a first wave of nearly 1,500 Burma nationals will be repatriated voluntarily from Malaysia to Burma on Sept. 29, although it is unclear how many Rohingya will be included. “Myanmar is committed to working closely with Bangladesh and friendly countries to facilitate the voluntary return of verified displaced persons in a safe and dignified manner,” the regime stated on Sept. 3.

Read the full article on our website

News by Region

AYEYARWADY—An embankment along the Ngawun River near Htain Ngu village in Laymyethna Township began sinking on Thursday, raising fears of another breach as hundreds of thousands of residents remain affected by flooding that began after the collapse of an embankment on the same river on July 31

“The first embankment still hasn’t been fully repaired, and now we’re worried that another one could breach. We need more machinery and people to work on it,” a Laymyethna resident told DVB. Aid workers are currently attempting to reinforce the embankment with sandbags. Read the full article on our website

YANGON—At least seven neighborhoods in low-lying areas of Hlegu Township, including Aungmingalar, Myoma, Yeiktha, Neikban U, Santhawdar, Thidar Aye and Yankin wards were flooded on Wednesday after heavy rainfall caused the water level of Nga Moe Yeik Creek to rise. Hlegu is located 26 miles (42 km) north of Yangon. 

“The condition will worsen if the rain continues in the upcoming days,” a Hlegu resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity. A flash flood warning is in place for North Okkalapa, South Okkalapa, North Dagon, South Dagon, Thingangyun, Thaketa, Dawbon, Pazundaung, and Mingalar Taung Nyunt townships. Read the full article on our website

(Exchange rate: $1 USD = 4,325 MMK) 

Read our story and check out our photos from the Karen Traditional Wrist Tying Ceremony at Chiang Mai University on September 5.

What AAPP co-founder Bo Kyi learned inside a Myanmar prison

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Bo Kyi, the co-founder and joint secretary of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at an unknown date and location. (Credit: RMAF)

Prominent Myanmar human rights activist Bo Kyi learned more about the history and current situation inside the country’s prison system after he was arrested in 1990 for joining pro-democracy street demonstrations.

“All newspapers and television are censored in the government-owned communication system, so therefore we were growing up with propaganda. But prison teaches us a lot of what is happening in Burma,” he said at a press briefing on Wednesday.

In his seven years as a political prisoner, Bo Kyi, now 61, discovered about the torture being inflicted by the military, particularly on ethnic groups.

“Such kind of information from real history really reminded me [that] we need to change [the] political system. We need to build up [the] rule of law. We want [the] military to stay away from politics. Such kind of thing really motivated me for this,” he said.

Bo Kyi, one of this year’s Ramon Magsaysay awardees, cofounded the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a human rights organization advocating for the release of remaining political prisoners in Myanmar.

The group also provides support to political prisoners who have been released through rehabilitation and mental health assistance programs.

“Before I was released from prison, my colleagues who still remained in prison requested me to do something for them: Let them know, the people, let them know […] about the prison situation,” Bo Kyi said. “Such kind of words reminded me, even though I was released, I felt guilty.”

The Ramon Magsaysay Awards, now on its 68th year, is regarded as the “Nobel Prize of Asia” and considered the region’s premier prize and highest honor.

In nearly seven decades, it has bestowed the recognition on 331 individuals and 28 organizations from 24 countries and territories in Asia whose selfless service has offered their societies, Asia, and the world successful solutions to some of the most intractable problems of human development.

According to the Ramon Magsaysay Award Foundation, Bo Kyi is being recognized for “his life’s work as a steadfast pursuit of truth, accountability, and justice.”

“His enduring commitment reflects extraordinary moral courage, personal sacrifice, and an unwavering belief that democracy and human dignity are always worth defending—and that even in the face of oppression, the truth must be told, justice must be pursued, and the freedom to believe must be upheld and defended at all costs,” it stated.

1988 revolution

Prior to his arrest, Bo Kyi joined pro-democracy demonstrations on the streets of Myanmar as a literature student at the Rangoon Arts and Sciences University.

“We called for demonstrations, then students followed us, and people also joined us. Some of them were shot down on the spot, and I could not forget their faces … They die, they sacrifice their bodies, because they want democracy,” he added.

The demonstrations culminated in a nationwide uprising on Aug. 8, 1988, widely known as the ‘8888 Uprising’, which forced three successive presidents to step down. However, the military once again took power following a coup in September 1988.

Amid these developments, Bo Kyi said he continued joining demonstrations, leading to his arrest.

To cope with loneliness in prison, Bo Kyi said he studied English with a professor who was detained in the cell next to his. He said that whenever the prison guard was away, he would ask the professor to speak one or two sentences of English.

After his release, Bo Kyi said he began holding “unofficial” meetings with representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to provide information on the situation of political prisoners in his country.

He added that he would also “secretly” meet with journalists and send information to the United Nations Special Rapporteur.

Recruited as informant

Bo Kyi said the military had been monitoring his actions, and later tried to recruit him as an informant. But he refused after the military rejected his demand for the release of all political prisoners and a dialogue with imprisoned National League for Democracy (NLD) party leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who had won the 1990 elections outright against military-backed parties.

Because of this, he was imprisoned again, but was eventually released in 1998. Unable to stay in Myanmar, he then fled to Mae Sot, Thailand, where he eventually founded AAPP with other former political prisoners.

Currently, Bo Kyi said, there were still over 20,000 political prisoners detained in Myanmar. Data from the AAPP website show that 14,775 political prisoners were verified to still be detained, while 7,872 were unverified. A total of 9,219, meanwhile, have been released.

“In Burma, there are 49 prisons and detention centers. Burma is a small country but full of prisons, so therefore we could not reach all [political prisoners],” Bo Kyi said.

“But in the [meantime], we could reach 33 prisons and detention centers. We could reach around 5,000 political prisoners and their family members,” he added.

According to Bo Kyi, AAPP has also been providing counseling programs since 2010, as well as training programs on human rights that inform the public about their rights and responsibilities.

While he is based outside of Myanmar, Bo Kyi said his group continues to implement their programs through their “networks” inside and outside the country.

“For the political prisoners around the world, they are arrested wrongfully by their political enemies, or maybe so-called ruling, [but they] always turn for truth and justice, wherever they are,” he said.

“Wherever they are is not important. The most important thing is to stand by your belief. To stand by your cause, and also always have that thinking to distribute something good to society. Please keep on. Please fight on,” Bo Kyi added.

PHILIPPINE INQUIRER

Myanmar Navy convoy pushes up Irrawaddy River to reopen Chinese-backed nickel plant

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Myanmar Navy vessels travel upstream on the Irrawaddy River near Wetlet Township, Sagaing Region, on Sept. 6. (Credit: Wetlet Informational Network)

A convoy consisting of 38 Myanmar Navy vessels reached Mandalay Region’s Singu Township on Sunday after departing the Gaw Wein jetty in Mandalay to travel upstream along the Irrawaddy River. Singu, located 58 miles (93 km) north of Mandalay, was recaptured by regime forces on Dec. 18.

A resident of Sagaing Region’s Tigyaing Township told DVB on the condition of anonymity that the naval convoy is travelling to the Tagaung nickel processing plant to help restart operations with its financial backers, the Chinese state-owned China Nonferrous Metal Mining and Construction.

Operations at the Taguang nickel processing plant had been suspended since the People’s Defence Force (PDF) seized control of Tigyaing town in July 2024. Tigyaing, located 182 miles (292 km) northeast of the Sagaing Region capital Monywa, was recaptured by regime forces on March 26

This is the second naval convoy that has travelled upstream along the Irrawaddy from the Gaw Wein jetty since late August. Six of the 14-vessel convoy, which left Mandalay on Aug. 21, reached Kachin State’s Bhamo Township on Sept. 3, according to the Kachin Independence Army (KIA).

A KIA source told DVB on the condition of anonymity that Myanmar Air Force jets have been carrying out retaliatory airstrikes against KIA positions in Bhamo to protect Navy vessels on Sept. 3.

KIA members damaged or destroyed seven vessels near Shwegu Township, located 64 miles (103 km) west of Bhamo, on Sept. 2. One vessel ran aground at Yeni village before reaching Bhamo on Sept. 3. 

The exact number of regime casualties wasn’t disclosed. The KIA told DVB that around 100 military personnel had surrendered after the naval vessels were destroyed in attacks.

The vessels were carrying around 800 military personnel, along with weapons, ammunition and food supplies, to regime positions in Bhamo, according to a military defector who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) following the 2021 coup.

The battle over control of Bhamo between the KIA and regime forces has been ongoing since December 2024. Bhamo is located 118 miles (190 km) south of the Kachin State capital Myitkyina and 56 miles (90 km) southwest of the KIA headquarters of Laiza.

How Karenni State established Myanmar’s pioneer ‘bottom-up’ federal governance model

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The late Aung San Myint in-studio at DVB in April 2024 to discuss the model of federalism established in Karenni State following the 2021 military coup. (Credit: DVB)

In an exclusive 2024 interview with DVB, the late Karenni State Consultative Council (KSCC) Chairperson Aung San Myint detailed the political blueprint that positioned Karenni State at the forefront of post-coup governance in Myanmar.

By consolidating territory, drafting state constitutions, and establishing state-level citizenship frameworks, Karenni resistance leaders constructed a functioning administration based on “Bottom-Up Federalism.”

Shift to federalism and formation of the KSCC

The Karenni national movement originally fought for separate independence following the outbreak of civil war in 1948. However, in 2001, political leadership formally shifted its strategic objective toward a federal democratic union as the most viable path to resolve long-standing conflict with the state in Myanmar.

Following the 2021 military coup and the collapse of state mechanisms across the country, local youth groups established a Coordination Team that was reorganized on April 9, 2021, into the Karenni State Consultative Council (KSCC) to manage state-wide governance, legislative, and judicial affairs.

Core Political Objectives of the KSCC
├── 1. Eradicate the military dictatorship and all forms of authoritarianism
├── 2. Abolish the military-drafted 2008 Constitution
├── 3. Build a Federal Democratic Union
└── 4. Practically exercise self-determination and local governance

Organizational structure and the Five Pillars

The KSCC was structured around five core stakeholder pillars committed to opposing military rule. While originally comprising 37 council members in 2021, a January 2023 conference restructured the council into a 17-seat mandate, with 13 active seats currently filled and four reserved for non-signatory groups.

Representation PillarActive Participating EntitiesOpen / Reserved Seats
Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs)Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), Karenni National Solidarity Organization (KNSO), Karenni National Peace and Development Party (KNPDP)Karenni National People’s Liberation Front (KNPLF), Kayan New Land Party (KNLP)
Political Parties (2020 Anti-Coup)National League for Democracy (NLD), Kayan National Party (KNP), Kayah State Democratic Party (KSDP)
Civil Society & Strike ForcesKarenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF)2 seats reserved for local People’s Defence Forces (PDFs) and strike committees
Elected LawmakersOusted Members of Parliament from the 2020 General Election
Women’s RepresentationKarenni Women’s Representation Group

The KSCC expanded the state’s administrative division from Myanmar’s seven official townships into 19 administrative townships, establishing effective territorial control over approximately 85 per cent of Karenni State.

  • Liberated Urban Centers: Karenni State’s Mawchi, Bawlake, Ywathit, Mese, and Shadaw, alongside key areas in southern Shan State’s Pekon and Moebye, operate under full resistance control.
  • Regime Isolation: In the Karenni State capital Loikaw, along with Hpasawng, regime forces remain largely pinned down inside fortified military bases, relying almost exclusively on standoff airstrikes and long-range artillery bombardment.
  • Coordinated Governance: Under Chapter 2 of the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) Charter and Article 39 of the Karenni Interim Arrangement, the Interim Executive Council (IEC) executes administrative and judicial functions by coordinating directly with existing ethnic armed groups administrative systems rather than supplanting them.

State citizenship, cross-border trade, and constitutional frameworks

To support long-term self-governance, the KSCC initiated key institutional policies across citizenship, fiscal management, and constitutional law:

  • State Citizenship & Immigration: An Immigration Department under the Karenni Ministry of Home Affairs was tasked with conducting population censuses and issuing State Citizenship. Under the Karenni draft constitution, holding state citizenship automatically confers federal union citizenship.
  • Economic & Fiscal Policy: Local authorities began formalizing small-scale cross-border trade utilizing the Thai Baht (THB). The council adopted an environmental policy prioritizing resource conservation over rapid commercial extraction.
  • Constitutional Milestones: The KSCC completed the Fourth Draft of the Permanent Karenni State Constitution alongside an active Transitional Constitution to govern the post-revolution transition period.
  • Union-Level Integration: Demonstrating bottom-up federalism, four KSCC representatives serve as ministers and deputy ministers within the National Unity Government (NUG), while three represent the state within the NUCC. Under Part 1 of the NUCC Charter, state-level leaders hold higher protocol rank than union ministers.

“We do not want a system where power is handed down top-down from a dominant central authority. True federalism relies on a clear division of power where both union and state levels understand their distinct responsibilities and how to interact seamlessly,” Aung San Myint told DVB in 2024.

Read or watch the original 2024 DVB Interview with the late Aung San Myint on DVB TV News.

Funeral held in Karenni State for Aung San Myint

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The life of Aung San Myint, an ethnic Karenni nationality leader, is commemorated with a funeral at an undisclosed location under the control of resistance forces in Karenni State near the border of Thailand on Sept. 5. (Credit: KIC)

A funeral for Aung San Myint, the general secretary of the ethnic armed organization Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), was held at an undisclosed location in a resistance-controlled area of Karenni State near the border of Thailand on Saturday. 

“Aung San Myint was a passionate and dedicated politician who continued working toward the establishment of a federal democratic union even as his health deteriorated,” Banyar Aung, Secretary-2 of the Karenni Interim Executive Council (IEC)—a provisional government established by the Karenni State Consultative Council (KSCC) in June 2023—told DVB.

Aung San Myint, 63, was KSCC chairperson since it was established after the military coup in 2021 until he passed away on Aug. 30 in Chiang Mai, Thailand, while receiving treatment at a hospital for an undisclosed medical condition. 

He also served as a secretary of the Steering Council for the Emergence of a Federal Democratic Union (SCEF)—Myanmar’s premier resistance coalition established on March 30—which includes the KNPP, along with three other key ethnic armed groups such as the Karen National Union (KNU), the Kachin Independence Organizations (KIO), and the Chin National Front (CNF),

The SCEF also includes the two groups representing lawmakers elected in 2020 but ousted in the 2021 coup: the National Unity Government (NUG), and the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH).

“Aung San Myint devoted himself to securing equal rights and self-determination for the Karenni people, as well as to the establishment of a genuine federal democratic union,” the SCEF stated in a condolence message on Aug. 30. 

Myanmar pro-democracy forces, including the NUG, the CRPH, and the Karenni State IEC, all shared condolence messages about Aung San Myint to social media. 

The KSCC was founded by Aung San Myint and other democratic leaders in Karenni State on April 9, 2021. It serves as one of the most inclusive political and policymaking bodies in Myanmar, according to experts.

The KNPP, established in Karenni’s Shadaw Township in 1957, didn’t sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) with the Myanmar military that was spearheaded by the military-proxy Union Solidarity Development Party (USDP) administration from 2011-16. 

The KNPP and its armed wing, the Karenni Army (KA), have been fighting the Myanmar military for self-determination in Karenni State for 69 years. 

The “Karenni States [historically a collection of independent or semi-independent principalities known as the Red Karen States]” were officially recognized as an independent entity by the British Empire and the King of Burma through a formal treaty signed on June 21, 1875.

Since the Myanmar military coup on Feb. 1, 2021, Karenni resistance forces have remained united under the KNPP and KSCC to fight for a return to democracy and ultimately achieve a federal democratic union that’s inclusive of all the country’s diverse ethnic nationalities. 

Overflowing dams and rising creeks trigger flash flood warnings across Yangon

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Residents of Yangon’s Hlegu Township, Yangon Region, wade through flood waters after the level in the Nga Moe Yeik Creek rose after heavy rainfall on Sept. 3. (Credit: Khin Zaw)

At least seven neighborhoods in low-lying areas of Yangon Region’s Hlegu Township, including Aungmingalar, Myoma, Yeiktha, Neikban U, Santhawdar, Thidar Aye and Yankin wards were flooded on Wednesday after heavy rainfall caused the water level of Nga Moe Yeik Creek to rise. Hlegu is located 26 miles (42 km) north of Yangon. 

“The condition will worsen if the rain continues in the upcoming days,” a Hlegu resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity. 

A flash flood warning is in place for North Okkalapa, South Okkalapa, North Dagon, South Dagon, Thingangyun, Thaketa, Dawbon, Pazundaung, and Mingalar Taung Nyunt townships.

Regime authorities urged residents in areas along the creek to prepare for possible evacuation after water at the Nga Moe Yeik Reservoir overflowed by around 2.5 feet (0.8 m) on Sept. 3. 

Another Hlegu resident told DVB that flooding could worsen in low-lying areas of the town as water at Mahura Dam is overflowing by around 1.5 feet (0.4 m) from the spillway, while Paunglin Dam is also nearing full capacity.

The regime’s Department of Meteorology and Hydrology has announced that scattered to widespread thunderstorms are likely to occur in Bago and Yangon between Sept. 6-9.

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