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The lasting impact of the March 28 earthquake on prisoners and farmers in central Myanmar

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The Obo Prison in Mandalay Region before the March 28 earthquake killed 64 inmates. (Credit: Mandalay Free Press)

Sixty-four prisoners at Mandalay’s Obo Prison killed during quake

The Political Prisoners Network Myanmar (PPNM) stated on Thursday that 41 political prisoners were among the 64 inmates killed by wall and roof collapses inside Obo Prison in Mandalay Region during the March 28 earthquake. It added that over 140 political prisoners were injured and four of them lost limbs.

A pregnant female political prisoner was injured during the quake, resulting in the death of her unborn child, according to the statement. Doctors did not remove the fetus until April 14, and she later died from a uterine infection. The 41-year-old woman was arrested in October and facing trial for alleged incitement against the military under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code.

A previous statement from PPNM on Tuesday claimed that nine political prisoners had died in prisons across the country between January and April due to inadequate healthcare. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has documented 22,201 political prisoners currently in detention. 

Myanmar farmers unable to resume agricultural practices post-quake

Farmers in central Burma told DVB that the quake has prevented them from resuming their agricultural practices ahead of the upcoming rainy season. The quake damaged over 3.7 million hectares of farmland in the hardest-hit regions of Sagaing, Magway, Mandalay, Naypyidaw, and southern Shan State, the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) stated on April 11.

“I can no longer use my farmland as the ground collapsed and sank to almost the height of one person,” a farmer from a village in Tatkon Township of the capital Naypyidaw told DVB on the condition of anonymity. He added that one of his cattle was killed and another injured in the earthquake, making him unable to plow his fields.

The FAO added that it is seeking $8.3 million USD to assist nearly 71,000 people in the most affected rural areas between April and September this year. Naypyidaw, located 172 miles (276 km) south of the earthquake epicenter in Sagaing Region, reported 617 bodies recovered, according to DVB data. The regime toll is 3,791 killed, 5,106 injured, and 88 missing. 

Talks between Shan State ethnic armed groups end without agreement 

Sources close to the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and the Shan State Progress Party (SSPP), the political wing of the Shan State Army (SSA), told DVB on Wednesday that talks between the two armed groups ended without an agreement in April. It was held in Pangsang, located in the Wa Self-Administered Zone 169 miles (271 km) east of the northern Shan State’s Lashio Township.

The deadlock reportedly followed an MNDAA demand that the SSPP withdraw from certain areas in northern Shan. “It’s very difficult to reach an agreement because the MNDAA wants the [SSA] out of areas stretching all the way to Muse-Namkham and beyond. At this point, it doesn’t look like they are in alliance anymore,” a source close to both ethnic armed groups told DVB on the condition of anonymity.

Tensions have been rising since the launch of Operation 1027 on Oct. 27, 2023, during which the MNDAA and its fellow Brotherhood Alliance member, the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), captured 23 towns in northern Shan from regime forces. Some of these areas had SSA forces stationed inside, according to sources close to the SSPP. 

News by Region

The funeral for a member of the resistance killed during fighting with regime forces in Moebye, Shan State, was held at an undisclosed location on May 4 without his body. (Credit: SSNDF/KNDF)

SHAN—Resistance groups announced on Wednesday that three members were killed by regime forces in Moebye town of Pekon Township last week. Moebye is located 100 miles (160 km) south of the Shan State capital Taunggyi and 11 miles (17 km) north of the Karenni State capital Loikaw.

“We couldn’t recover one body since the regime troops used it as a decoy,” a member of the Shan South National Defence Force/Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (SSNDF/KNDF) told DVB. The Kayan National Army (KNA) told DVB that one of its fighters was killed in an artillery attack.

MANDALAY—Ten civilians were injured by airstrikes in Yayhtwak village of Thabeikkyin Township on Wednesday, according to the People’s Defence Force (PDF) in Pyin Oo Lwin. At least 24 civilians have been reportedly killed in the village by two previous airstrikes since April 19.

Thabeikkyin is located 90 miles (144 km) north of Mandalay and has been under the control of the National Unity Government (NUG) since Aug. 25. The regime has killed at least 349 people in 538 air and artillery strikes since March 28 with 403 since its ceasefire began on April 2. 

AYEYARWADY—Residents of Lemyethna Township told DVB that at least 30 houses and rice storage buildings were damaged by airstrikes May 6-7. The attacks targeted three villages in the township, located 75 miles (120 km) northwest of the region’s capital Pathein.

“The military claimed the villages were Arakan Army strongholds,” a resident told DVB. No casualties were reported. Fighting between regime forces and the Arakan Army (AA) broke out in the west of Lemyethna from April 15-18. 

At least four civilians, including a Buddhist monk, were killed and over 200 homes in seven villages were destroyed by at least 40 airstrikes in March and April, according to local sources. The regime announced an extension of its April ceasefire on Tuesday until May 31.

(Exchange rate: $1 USD = 4,410 MMK) 

Min Aung Hlaing to attend 80th Victory Day in Russia; New charges for airline passengers in Myanmar

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Regime leader Min Aung Hlaing and his wife Kyu Kyu Hla departed for Moscow, Russia from the Naypyidaw International Airport on May 7. (Credit: Regime media)

Min Aung Hlaing to attend 80th Victory Day in Russia

Regime leader Min Aung Hlaing and his wife Kyu Kyu Hla left Naypyidaw International Airport on Wednesday for Moscow, Russia to attend the 80th Victory Day ceremony on May 9, regime media reported. Twenty world leaders are scheduled to attend the annual event, expected to be one of the biggest in Russia’s history. 

“Min Aung Hlaing may try to meet [Chinese President] Xi Jinping, but I don’t think it’ll be that easy,” a military analyst told DVB on the condition of anonymity. Regime media reported on Tuesday that Min Aung Hlaing will hold separate talks with world leaders attending the ceremony. Sources told DVB that the regime is procuring weapons and Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs), or drones, from Russia.

Min Aung Hlaing was also accompanied by regime Foreign Affairs Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Than Swe, as well as three high-ranking military generals. This is the fifth visit to Russia for Min Aung Hlaing since the 2021 coup. He was officially welcomed to Moscow as Burma’s “Head of State” on March 3. The regime extended its ceasefire on Tuesday up to May 31. 

People’s Defence Force detains two women without charge

The People’s Defence Force (PDF) under the National Unity Government (NUG) in Shwebo Township of Sagaing Region has detained two women for over two weeks without any legal proceedings, women’s rights groups told DVB on Tuesday. Shwebo is located 59 miles (95 km) northeast of the region’s capital Monywa. 

The women were arrested alongside three male members of a drone battalion on April 19. The three males were released the next day but the women remain in detention as of May 6, according to the women’s rights groups. “[The PDF] should release the women and pursue any legal action transparently,” Htake Htar, spokesperson of the Shield Women Organization, told DVB. 

The families of the two women detained accused the PDF of seizing a home ownership certificate, mobile phones, gold jewelry, and 5 million MMK ($1,100 USD) in cash from them. The PDF told DVB that the women are being held by the People’s Security Force and will face legal action. No formal charges have been filed against them but it stated it had witness testimony to support its claims. 

Aerial view of Yangon International Airport, the busiest gateway for international and domestic air travel. (Credit: Yangon International Airport)

New charges for airline passengers in Myanmar

Myanmar Airways International (MAI) and local travel agencies announced on April 23 that all passengers departing from airports across the country – starting on May 12 – must pay a $5 USD Passenger Service Charge (PSC) for international flights. This raises the total PSC from $20 to $25 USD. For domestic flights, a PSC of $3.40 will be applied.

The PSC is a mandatory airport tax included in the cost of airline tickets. MAI said that tickets purchased on or after April 23 will include the new PSC. Passengers who booked tickets before April 23 must pay the fare difference at designated counters in the airport before departure.

International travelers are reminded that several countries, including Australia and the U.S., have issued travel advisories due to ongoing civil unrest and armed conflict across Burma, including Yangon. Travelers are strongly advised to check with their embassies or official government travel portals for the latest updates before planning a trip to Burma.

News by Region

ARAKAN—The Arakan Army (AA) detained two Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) members near Leikya village in Maungdaw Township on Monday, a resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity. He added that the ARSA uses the village as its operation base.

Sources told DVB that ARSA fighters detained three residents of another village on Sunday. The residents, along with AA members, found them back near Leikya village later. The AA took control of Maungdaw on Dec. 8. ARSA reportedly fought against the AA last year. 

MON—Sources close to resistance groups in Bilin Township told DVB that a bridge on the Yangon–Mawlamyine railway line was damaged by an explosion on May 6. Bilin Township is located 52 miles (84 km) northwest of the state capital Mawlamyine.

“We’ve heard the military frequently transports large quantities of supplies along this railway. When the revolutionary forces learned about it, they took action. We believe this will seriously disrupt regime logistics,” a source from the resistance told DVB on condition of anonymity.

The Moekaung Bridge on the Mawlamyine–Yangon road in Thaton Township collapsed following a mine explosion on May 3, according to Thaton residents. The attack was carried out by local resistance groups, but none have so far claimed responsibility.

YANGON—Photos shared to social media showed residents running outdoors following a reported earthquake on Tuesday evening. Yangon is located 393 miles (632 km) south of the March 28 earthquake epicenter in Sagaing Region. 

The regime Department of Meteorology and Hydrology stated that a 3.4 magnitude quake struck about 10 miles (16 km) south-southwest of Hlegu Township. The NUG Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management reported two quakes with magnitudes of 3.7 and 2.9 in Hlegu. 

(Exchange rate: $1 USD = 4,420 MMK) 

Few doctors, throttled aid: How Myanmar’s military worsened the earthquake death toll

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Patients lie on beds inside the Sagaing Hospital compound in Sagaing Township - the epicenter of the earthquake - in Sagaing Region on April 2, 2025. (Credit: Reuters)

Burmese academic Sophia Htwe spent hours desperately trying to call home from Australia after the 7.7 magnitude earthquake struck her hometown in Myanmar in late March, learning that a childhood friend had been trapped in the rubble.

Friends from the central-northwestern region of Sagaing told her that she had been freed but died from her injuries after receiving no medical treatment.

“That just really broke me… This is actually the failure of the military junta and the military coup,” she said, referring to the military’s attacks on healthcare since seizing power in February 2021.

The earthquake, which killed more than 3,700 people and injured 5,000, quickly overwhelmed a severely depleted health system in which the number of doctors and nurses had fallen dramatically under military rule, according to World Health Organization (WHO) figures.

Many blame the situation on attacks on healthcare facilities as the military regime in Naypyidaw sought to root out opponents to its rule, after medics took a prominent role in the anti-coup movement that emerged after Feb. 1, 2021.

That meant many victims of the earthquake went without immediate medical attention or had to wait a long time to receive the care they needed, according to two doctors who worked in the quake zone, two opposition activists and two human rights groups monitoring the response to the disaster.

Rights groups Human Rights Watch and Physicians for Human Rights said doctors had described medicine and staff shortages and patients whose wounds had rotted in the absence of medical care.

In a joint statement on April 29 they said the military’s “years of unlawful attacks on healthcare facilities and workers” had severely hindered the emergency response.

The situation was compounded, they said, because some medical workers were too afraid of arrest to operate in regime-controlled areas or scared of passing through military checkpoints to reach areas where they were needed.

Some areas affected by the earthquake are contested by both resistance and regime forces and their affiliated militias, creating an environment of tension and suspicion.

Despite declaring a ceasefire on April 2, the regime has continued daily aerial attacks that have killed civilians, according to a Reuters analysis of data. More than 172 attacks have occurred since the ceasefire, 73 of them in areas devastated by the earthquake.

A spokesman for the regime in Naypyidaw did not respond to several requests for comment.

Workforce shortages

Before the 2021 coup, which toppled the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi and ignited a civil war, the number of healthcare workers was growing.

It surged 13.3 percent between 2016 and 2020 to about six doctors and nine nurses per 10,000 people, the WHO said.

That figure fell to 1.01 doctors and 1.96 nurses in 2022 – far short of the recommended WHO minimum standard of 22.8 healthcare workers per 10,000 – as medical workers joined the anti-coup Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), refusing to work under the military.

According to Insecurity Insight, a Swiss non-governmental organisation, that tracks attacks on healthcare across the world. Soldiers have killed at least 74 health workers, attacked at least 263 health facilities, and arrested and prosecuted more than 800 since the coup.

While some who left have since returned to work, the shortage of health workers remains “very serious”, said Dr Thushara Fernando, the WHO Myanmar representative.

In January this year, regime leader Min Aung Hlaing acknowledged in regime media that some hospitals did not have a single doctor.

Non-government medical facilities were “severely restricted”, the WHO said, by a lack of skilled health workers and difficulties imposed by the regime in importing medical supplies – restrictions that have created a shortage of life-saving medicines.

Before the quake, the military shut at least eight private hospitals in Mandalay, one of the cities devastated by the disaster, according to the National Unity Government (NUG), a parallel civilian administration, while the quake destroyed at least five health facilities and partially damaged 61, according to the WHO.

Healthcare workers aligned with the opposition are providing lifesaving care through underground networks, but “they are operating with extremely limited resources, and their safety remains a serious concern,” said an NUG official who requested anonymity due to the sensitivity of the situation.

The regime has detained doctors aligned with the opposition, which it characterizes as “terrorists”.

The two doctors who travelled to the earthquake zone and asked not to be named for fear of retribution also described manpower problems.

One said medics treating quake victims lacked triage expertise because the senior doctors who once led training had been imprisoned or feared arrest if they travelled to the disaster zone.

The other said people with chronic illnesses had been unable to access vital medications, and quake survivors were suffering from diarrhoea, skin-related diseases and heat-stroke as temperatures climb to about 40 degrees Celsius (104°F).

“During the earthquake, people didn’t receive the immediate aid they desperately needed,” he said, adding that authorities frequently questioned people helping survivors.

Underground response

The military, which controls most but not all of the areas worst hit by the quake, has not eased its communications bans or stringent customs rules since the disaster happened, said James Rodehaver, Myanmar head for the U.N. Office on Human Rights.

He said a requirement by the regime that all organizations working on earthquake relief register with authorities had driven some Burmese humanitarian responders underground, while there was no evidence the military – fighting across multiple frontlines – was deploying troops to help deliver aid.

In 2022, regime media reported that funds were diverted from the natural disaster management budget to provide loans in a bid to boost the sluggish economy, a move Win Myat Aye, the top official for disaster management under the former civilian government, says left a shortage of emergency supplies, logistical support, and recovery programs.

In Sagaing, Nyi Nyi Tin, whose home was damaged by the quake, said there was no official support beyond an offer of about $61 USD to the families of the dead and some compensation for the injured.

As the monsoon rains loom, tens of thousands are still living in makeshift tents and the WHO says it fears the spread of communicable diseases.

In comparison with massive community responses to past disasters, including the COVID-19 pandemic, there were only small teams of people helping and little cooperation between civil society and authorities, Nyi Nyi Tin said.

“That sense of unity is gone. I think it’s because people are afraid,” he said.

REUTERS

Military in quake-hit Myanmar extends ceasefire to May 31, regime media reports

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Smoke rises from Mogok Township, Mandalay Region, after an airstrike on May 3. (Credit: DVB)

Myanmar’s regime in Naypyidaw has extended a temporary ceasefire to May 31 to support reconstruction efforts following a massive earthquake on March 28 that killed at least 3,700 people and devastated parts of the country, regime media reported on Wednesday.

The regime initially announced a ceasefire on April 2, days after the March earthquake, to support relief efforts, following similar moves by anti-regime armed resistance groups.

Military airstrikes and artillery attacks have continued in some parts of Myanmar despite the ceasefire announcement, according to the U.N.

REUTERS

Securing China’s strategic interests in Myanmar by engineering an internal coup?

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A jetty for oil tankers on Madae island of Kyaukphyu Township, Arakan State, on Oct. 7, 2015. (Credit: Reuters)

Guest contributor

Moe Gyo

Myanmar’s rapid descent into chaos following the 2021 military coup has led to widespread instability that threatens both the nation’s sovereignty and regional security. 

The military, which overthrew the democratically elected civilian government, has faced growing resistance from various ethnic armed organizations and pro-democracy forces. 

This has severely weakened the military’s ability to maintain control and protect the country’s infrastructure. The situation in Myanmar now presents a paradox: while the country is unraveling, its strategic importance—particularly to China—remains undiminished. 

In light of this, China may opt to facilitate a coup within the military as a covert yet effective strategy to protect its significant economic investments and secure its long-term geopolitical objectives.

Myanmar’s strategic importance to China cannot be overstated. It serves as a critical link between China’s southwestern provinces and the Indian Ocean, offering a direct and less vulnerable route for energy supplies. 

The China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC), a vital component of the Belt and Road Initiative, is intended to connect China’s landlocked southwestern regions to the Indian Ocean via Myanmar, bypassing the more congested and vulnerable Malacca Strait. 

The project includes key infrastructure such as the Kyaukpyu deep-sea port and pipelines running from Myanmar’s Rakhine State to China’s Yunnan Province. 

These assets are pivotal for China’s energy security, offering a more secure route for transporting oil and natural gas and reducing China’s reliance on maritime shipping routes susceptible to geopolitical tensions.

However, Myanmar’s growing instability is jeopardizing these investments. 

If Myanmar were to descend further into anarchy, China could lose not only its investments but also its foothold in a region crucial to its long-term economic and security ambitions. 

Thus, instability within Myanmar poses a grave risk to China’s regional security and economic interests. 

The most straightforward way for China to protect its investments in Myanmar would be through direct military intervention. 

However, such an action would likely result in severe international backlash, particularly from the West and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). 

Military intervention would also compromise Myanmar’s sovereignty, turning the country into a proxy state for China, which could further alienate the Myanmar population and invite long-term resistance. 

Furthermore, a direct military presence would place Chinese troops in the crossfire of Myanmar’s ongoing civil conflict, risking significant casualties and prolonged involvement.

Instead, China is likely to favor a covert strategy to facilitate an internal coup within the military—a move that allows it to maintain plausible deniability. 

This approach offers several advantages: it avoids the risks of direct intervention, minimizes international backlash, and ensures that Myanmar retains its formal sovereignty while aligning more closely with Chinese interests. 

By supporting a coup from within, China can ensure that the new leadership is pro-China without incurring the political costs of overt intervention. 

This option also offers a more nuanced means of managing Myanmar’s internal conflicts, restoring stability while safeguarding China’s regional investments.

If China determines that the current leadership is incapable of restoring order or protecting its interests, it may opt to engineer an internal coup as a low-visibility yet decisive solution. Several key trigger points could prompt China to take this course of action.

As it continues to lose ground and fails to govern effectively, the risk of national fragmentation increases. 

For China, this weakening of the military poses a serious threat to the stability necessary for protecting its major infrastructure projects and energy corridors. 

A fragmented Myanmar endangers China’s strategic ambitions, making internal military realignment an increasingly attractive option.

Threats to the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC) serve as another potential trigger for Chinese intervention. Sabotage or occupation of critical infrastructure, such as the Kyaukpyu deep-sea port or the oil and gas pipelines linking Myanmar to Yunnan Province, represents a direct challenge to China’s economic interests and energy security. 

If these projects are compromised, China may view a regime change in Naypyidaw as a necessary step to secure and stabilize these high-value assets.

Civil conflict in Myanmar that leads to a refugee or humanitarian crisis spilling over into China’s Yunnan Province could also prompt action. Large-scale displacement and unrest at the border would raise domestic security concerns for China, pressuring it to restore order on its periphery. 

In this scenario, China may see a covertly supported leadership change as a necessary measure to stabilize the situation and prevent the crisis from affecting its own territory.

Finally, a breakdown of command-and-control manifested by rogue field units or disobedient commanders would signal the onset of military anarchy. 

Such a collapse would not only render the regime incapable of enforcing national cohesion but would also make it a liability for Chinese interests. 

To prevent the complete disintegration of Myanmar’s military apparatus, China may back a faction capable of restoring central control and ensuring a disciplined, pro-China command structure. 

The long-term impact of such a coup would be significant. Myanmar would become even more deeply integrated into China’s economic and political sphere, with its leadership reliant on Chinese patronage. 

Myanmar’s instability poses a serious threat to China’s regional ambitions and security. 

Faced with the possibility of prolonged chaos and the erosion of its strategic investments, China may view the facilitation of a coup as a necessary step to restore order and secure its interests.

A covertly supported coup presents a strategic solution that allows China to preserve plausible deniability while protecting its investments and influence. 

By combining intelligence, political maneuvering, military assistance, and economic leverage, China can shape the outcome of Myanmar’s internal crisis in its favor.

The potential rewards are substantial—securing vital infrastructure, maintaining energy flows, and stabilizing a key regional partner. However, the risks are equally significant. 

A failed coup in Myanmar could deepen the conflict, trigger wider unrest, provoke international condemnation, and damage China’s regional standing. 

Nonetheless, with careful execution, China could not only restore stability in Myanmar but also solidify its role as the dominant power shaping Southeast Asia’s geopolitical future.


Moe Gyo is a political consultant and strategist working on the Thailand-Myanmar border. 

DVB publishes a diversity of opinions that does not reflect DVB editorial policy. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our stories: [email protected]

Special Advisory Council for Myanmar on China’s ceasefire; People’s Defence Force marks 4th year of resistance to 2021 coup

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A regime convoy played a Buddhist chant from a loudspeaker while driving around Lashio Township, a tradition to ward off dangers and misfortune, on May 4. (Credit: The Voice of Spring)

Special Advisory Council for Myanmar on China’s ceasefire

The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M) spoke to DVB about China’s intervention in northern Shan State and its pressure on the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) to hand back Lashio Township to the regime. It claimed in a statement on Monday that this was a betrayal of those who died fighting to seize the town, and its Northeastern Regional Military Command (RMC), from regime control. 

“China has adopted a policy of open interference in Myanmar,” Connor Macdonald, the SAC-M advocacy and communications officer, told DVB. He added that the Beijing-brokered ceasefire raises concerns over how other resistance groups, including the Brotherhood Alliance’s Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Arakan Army (AA), may succumb to the pressure of signing a peace agreement with Naypyidaw.

Sources told DVB that China’s Special Envoy Deng Xijun was in Lashio last month to oversee the handover from the MNDAA to the regime, which was completed on April 22 as part of the ceasefire agreement reached between the two parties on Jan. 18. Lashio is located 107 miles (172 km) south of the Burma-China border town of Muse and 243 miles (391 km) north of the Shan State capital Taunggyi.

People’s Defence Force marks 4th year of resistance to 2021 coup

The National Unity Government (NUG) marked the fourth anniversary of the formation of the People’s Defence Force (PDF) on Monday. It celebrated the seizure of Indaw Township in Sagaing Region from regime forces on April 7. Besides Indaw, the NUG also administers PDF-controlled Khampat, Mawlu, Pinlebu, Myothit, and Shwe Pyi Aye in Sagaing Region, as well as Singu, Tagaung, and Thabeikkyin in Mandalay Region.

“Indaw was a historic victory for the PDF. It offered valuable experience and important lessons for the revolution ahead,” said Yi Mon, the NUG Minister of Defence, in a speech shared to social media on May 5. The NUG Ministry of Justice announced on May 2 that it has established 31 township-level courts and one interim appeals court in areas it administers

Burma News International (BNI) released a report on May 5 stating that the PDF and ethnic armed resistance groups now control a total of 96 towns nationwide. This includes 23 in northern Shan and 23 in Arakan states. Sixteen in Chinland. Fourteen in Kachin State. Six in Sagaing Region. Six in Karenni and southern Shan states. As well as four in Mandalay and four in Karen and Bago regions. 

Hein Min Thu was a teacher who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement after the 2021 military coup in Katha Township, Sagaing Region. (Credit: Unknown)

A political prisoner dies in Sagaing Region

The Political Prisoners Network Myanmar (PPNM) announced on Monday that a political prisoner named Hein Min Thu, aged 33, died of tuberculosis at Katha Prison, located in Katha Township of Sagaing Region, on April 26. Hein Min Thu’s family has not been notified of his death by prison authorities, according to PPNM. Katha is located 224 miles (361 km) north of the region’s capital Monywa. 

“He was taken to the hospital outside of the prison after he lost consciousness. He remained unconscious in the hospital for several days until he died,” Thaik Tun Oo, the PPNM spokesperson, told DVB. He added that Hein Min Thu, who was a teacher who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) after the 2021 coup, did not receive adequate medical attention while held inside the prison. 

Hein Min Thu was arrested on June 5, 2023 and sentenced to 15 years in prison for violating the Counter-Terrorism Law and Section 505(a) of the Penal Code for “incitement against the military” on March 28. Over 50 political prisoners have died due to lack of adequate medical care inside the nation’s prisons since the PPNM began collecting data in mid-2023.  

News by Region

KAREN—The Karen National Union (KNU) claimed that 39 regime troops were killed in 139 clashes with the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) last month in Hpapun Township (Mutraw District), located in KNU Brigade 5 territory 110 miles (177 km) northeast of the state capital Hpa-An. 

The KNU added that two civilians were killed by seven artillery strikes and at least 10 airstrikes carried out during April in which a total of 14 bombs were dropped. Four towns, including Hpapun, have been seized by the KNLA and its allied resistance forces from the regime since the 2021 coup. 

NAYPYIDAW—Regime leader Min Aung Hlaing will attend the 80th Victory Day parade in Moscow, Russia, on May 9, regime media reported on Tuesday. It did not disclose the date of his departure but added that he will hold separate talks with world leaders attending the ceremony. 

Naypyidaw sent a delegation to Moscow to participate in the parade on April 23. This will be the fifth visit to Russia for Min Aung Hlaing since 2021. He was officially welcomed to Russia as Burma’s “Head of State” on March 3. The regime extended its ceasefire on Tuesday up to May 31. 

SAGAING—Residents of Ye-U and Kani townships told DVB that one civilian was killed and two others were injured by airstrikes carried out by the Burma Air Force on Ye-U’s Inpahto village on Monday. No casualties were reported in Kani’s East Chaungma village.

Pyae Gyi, a member of the People’s Administration under the NUG, told DVB that there was no fighting against regime forces in Ye-U. Residents fear airstrikes and are unable to return to their agricultural practices. Kani and Ye-U are located 37-55 miles (59-88 km) north of the region’s capital Monywa.

(Exchange rate: $1 USD = 4,410 MMK) 

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