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National League for Democracy member freed from Lashio Prison; Former DVB reporter dies at Insein Prison

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Tun Tun Hein meets with then-U.S. Ambassador to Burma Scot Marciel in Naypyidaw on March 14, 2019. (Credit: Tun Tun Hein Facebook)

National League for Democracy member freed from Lashio Prison

Maung Maung Swe, the spokesperson for the National Unity Government (NUG) Ministry of Defense, told DVB that more than 200 political prisoners were released from Lashio Prison on Sunday. A source from the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) told local media that it is vetting the prisoners after it took control of the prison.

“The situation like this has never existed in the past, and I would say victory for the people is approaching,” said Maung Maung Swe. Tun Tun Hein, a member of the Central Executive Committee of the National League for Democracy (NLD) party – who had been sentenced to 33 years in prison – is among those released. 

The NUG claimed that Tun Tun Hein is in good health while other prisoners are receiving medical treatment after being injured by retaliatory artillery attacks by the military. Fighting between the MNDAA and the military began in Lashio on July 3. It has reportedly seized control over most of the town with fighting against the military in certain areas. 

Former DVB reporter dies at Insein Prison

Nay Lin Htike, 45, who formerly worked as a freelance reporter for DVB, died from cancer inside Insein Prison on Monday. “He suffered from oral cancer since he was in Kyaiksakaw [Daik-U] Prison. Prison authorities transferred him to Insein Prison when his condition worsened to give him treatment,” said a former political prisoner who was jailed with him at Daik-U Prison. 

He was transferred to Yangon’s Insein Prison in July 2022. He worked for DVB for several years from his hometown of Nyaunglebin in Bago Region before he joined the resistance to the 2021 military coup. He was arrested in early 2022, and sentenced to eight years in prison under Section 505 (A) of the Penal Code for spreading misinformation and Section 52 (A) of the Counter-Terrorism Act.

A dog waits to be rescued from flooding caused by heavy rainfall in Hpa-An, Karen State in the past week. (Credit: CJ)

More than 50,000 people affected by flooding nationwide

More than 50,000 people have been affected by flooding in at least 13 towns nationwide and are in urgent need of emergency assistance. The affected regions include Ayeyarwady, Bago, Karen, Mon, and Magway. The Department of Meteorology and Hydrology issued a flood warning on July 29, indicating that the water levels of the country’s major rivers, including the Irrawaddy, have exceeded “danger” levels.

“I think the locals will have to endure this situation for at least five days. They need food and drinking water. The water levels of the Bago River are particularly concerning as it has risen from 880 to 1,000 [centimeters],” a Bago resident who assisted flood victims told DVB. 

Thousands of affected residents have sought shelter at monasteries, schools, and sports stadiums. A resident in Ayeyarwady Region said that there has not been any proper assistance from regime authorities since flooding began in early July. “As of yet, there has been no relief and no support from any department,” he added.

News by Region

AYEYARWADY—Regime authorities have stopped shipments by sea from Ayeyarwady Region to Arakan State. Residents in Pathein Township have said that goods have been seized almost daily. The Southwest Regional Military Command instructed administrators in Chaung Tha and Ngwesaung beaches to inspect goods sent to Arakan since June 30, according to a source close to the administration.

“The team, including administrator Thiha Aung and Major Zaw Naing, held a meeting to enforce the seizures, claiming locals were smuggling illegal cargo. They have only seized Arakan cargo ships,” the source told DVB on the condition of anonymity. 

KACHIN—Fighting between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA/KIO) and the military has restarted in Momauk and Bhamo townships since July 24. “They have conducted daily airstrikes. The KIA is currently attacking the Light Infantry Battalion 437 in Momauk and Tarmonglong village [near Bhamo University],” said a source from the KIA. Telecommunication networks are currently unavailable in Bhamo and other parts of the state.

SHAN—A woman and her four-year-old grandson were killed, and five other family members were injured, after artillery landed on their home in Hsenwi Township, located in northern Shan State on Sunday. Homes were also destroyed by the shelling.

“We are the relatives of the victims. They said they heard their [grandmother and grandson] calling for help, but we were not able to rescue them. We lost them by the time the rescue team arrived four hours after the incident,” said a Hsenwi resident. The injured family members are unable to cover medical expenses. The MNDAA seized control of Hsenwi on Jan. 7.

Read our obituary for Karen leader Naw Zapporah Sein. DVB English News is on X, FB, Instagram, Threads & TikTok. Subscribe to us on YouTube. Find us on YouTube Music.

Thet Htar Thuzar congratulates Michelle Li after she won their women’s Group C badminton match at the Paris 2024 Olympics on July 29. (Credit: Reuters)

Human Rights Lens – Episode 4: Myanmar military war crimes

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Aung Myo Min, the Minister of Human Rights in the National Unity Government (NUG) co-hosts Human Rights Lens program at DVB.

Human Rights Lens is brought to you by the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) and the National Unity Government (NUG) Ministry of Human Rights. It features NUG Minister of Human Rights Aung Myo Min. Episode four investigates war crimes committed in Myanmar.

Naw Zipporah Sein: The enduring legacy of a Karen leader

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A funeral was held for Naw Zipporah Sein in Thailand on July 27. (Credit: DVB)

Naw Zipporah Sein, a prominent political activist and a key figure in the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Karen Women’s Organization (KWO) died at age 69 of cancer on July 24 in Thailand, where she has lived since 1995.  

“It is a great loss for the Karen people. I want to mention that throughout the peacemaking process, she was a very stable and strong leader whose approach was characterized by a focus on policy objectives,” Padoh Saw Taw Nee, the KNU spokesperson, told DVB.

Born in 1955, Naw Zipporah Sein has a life lived in the Karen revolution. Eight years before she was born, in 1947, the KNU was established. She rose through the ranks to become the first female leader to hold a significant position within an ethnic armed organization in Burma.

“The KNU acknowledges her as a heroine who dedicated her life to the revolution to liberate the Karen people and to serving the country and its people. May her legacy of courage and commitment continue to inspire us all,” the KNU stated.

Naw Zipporah Sein served as the general secretary of the KWO after it was founded in 1985. “We are heartbroken to lose her. She was a brave and wise woman,” the KWO stated.  

Throughout her career, Naw Zipporah Sein received international recognition and awards for her work. She was recognized as one of the “1000 PeaceWomen” in 2005 by PeaceWomen Across the Globe, an organization promoting peace based in Switzerland. 

In 2014, she was honored with a Peace Award, by the Women’s Organisations Network (WON) of Burma, which represents 30 organizations supporting community women’s groups in Burma.

She also led the KNU Concerned Group, which is a political organization primarily consisting of former senior KNU leaders, until her final days.

Her work during ceasefire negotiations between the Burma Army and ethnic armed organizations, which became the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in 2015, was called pivotal by many.  

Following the 2021 military coup, she expressed her sentiments that the NCA was null and void. “The Myanmar military staged the coup by taking out the civilian government which signed the NCA. So the Myanmar army officially violated [it],” Naw Zipporah Sein told DVB in 2021. 

“She is a person who stands on the values ​​of diversity and mutual recognition rather than prejudice of her own ethnicity,” Mi Sue Pwint, a member of  the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF) told DVB. 

“Zipporah had an incredible determination to promote equality for women and promote human rights generally within Karen society and in the national democracy movement,” the Burma Campaign UK posted to its social media account. 

The National Unity Government(NUG), the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), and the Pa-O National Liberation Army (PNLA) have each issued messages of condolence to Naw Zipporah Sein’s family during her funeral in Thailand on July 27.

A funeral was held for Naw Zipporah Sein in Thailand on July 27. (Credit: DVB)

Fleeing military conscription in Myanmar

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A young woman from Myanmar fled military conscription and sought refuge in Thailand. (Credit: DVB)

DW caught up with draft evaders fleeing conscription in Myanmar after the military activated a law calling up young men and women. A story collaboration between DVB English News and DW News.

As an Indigenous Rohingya woman, the story of my family is a tragic echo of countless others

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Noor Azizah is the co-founder of the Rohingya Maiyafuinor Collaborative Network, a women-led, Rohingya-led, and refugee-led organisation working on Rohingya human rights issues, SGBV, education, and translocal solidarity with a focus on women, peace, and security. (Credit: UNHCR)

Originally published on Missing Perspectives

By Noor Azizah

Noor Azizah and her family had to flee Arakan, Burma/Myanmar due to escalating persecution of the Rohingya.

My name is Noor Azizah, and I am a proud Indigenous Rohingya woman from Arakan, Burma/Myanmar. I was born in 1995, during a period when waves of violence occurred against the Rohingya in our ancestral homeland. My parents, alongside my two elder sisters, two elder brothers, and myself as a baby, had to flee due to escalating persecution of the Rohingya.

There were no opportunities to thrive, and my parents predicted that the violence would only increase, which later proved correct. They believed that inaction would likely lead to the deaths of their children. They couldn’t envision a future for their children in their ancestral homeland. 

We started our journey through Southeast Asia on foot, walking through dense jungles and hopping on any boat that would take us to land. We ate what scraps of food we could find, took local buses, and relied on the generosity of locals, eventually ending up in Sabah, Malaysia. My memories of the initial journey are blurry because I was just a baby at the time. Yet the journey I made as an infant is extremely common.

The story of my family is a tragic echo of countless others. Fuelled by absolute desperation and the innate desire to protect their children, many parents take this life-threatening journey across lands and oceans because it is the safer option.

A taste of childhood 

My most vivid memories are of our displacement in Sabah. I was displaced for eight-and-a-half years in a place my parents hoped would provide us with a safe home. Unfortunately, the safe haven my parents saw was an illusion. It was a living hell where living meant survival and little else. My siblings and I were robbed of our childhood and teenage years.

My three elder siblings took on caregiving roles, meaning their teenage years were filled with ensuring their two younger siblings were kept alive. We also hid our identity as Rohingya. We were afraid even to say the word “Rohingya” for fear of persecution. My eldest sister, Yasmeen, made immense sacrifices. I will never be able to repay her for what she has done to keep her four younger siblings alive.

She was essentially our second mother. She is highly intelligent and possesses strong survival and linguistic skills. She picked up the local Malay language, which we all eventually did. We didn’t do this for fun; we did it to survive. Yasmeen would pick up odd jobs as a teenager just to bring food to the table.

Despite all the hardships, she gave her two youngest siblings, my brother and I, a taste of childhood. She would dress us up the same, me often as a boy, and I remember crying and hating it, wanting to dress in pink and be a princess. These are some of my fondest childhood memories. She would take us to the night markets and ask us to choose our favourite nasi goreng (fried rice) or pisang goreng (fried banana). She made sure we had some enjoyment in our childhood despite all the hardships and hurdles. She sacrificed her teenage years to protect and raise her younger siblings. 

Hiding spots and nenek 

Those were the good times. The rest of our time was spent in fear. The police would carry out operations to target so-called “illegal migrants” in Sabah, many of whom were Indigenous Filipinos. 

The anxiety was high in my family when my Mum heard news of these operations. But my Mum is smart. She is a survivor. My mother, who was  deprived of an education in Arakan, kept five of her children alive by ensuring we all had hiding spots during such operations. She drilled this into us so that it would be second nature. She knew we would have no time to think if the police came for us. Her hiding spot was in our wardrobe.

I remember my elder brother Azeem drilling holes in the wardrobe, ensuring my mother could fit inside. I can still see my mum practising and getting inside as quickly and quietly as possible. When things got really bad, my hiding spot became semi-permanent. My hiding spot was in the jungles of Sabah with a woman my Mum had befriended. She was a displaced Indigenous Sulug person from the Philippines. I stayed in the jungles with her, and she showed me only kindness. She made sure I was fed, happy, and taken care of despite being extremely poor and needing to feed her own family. I didn’t know her name; I called her “Nenek,” which means grandma in Malay. I didn’t feel the need to know her name – many Australian children would call her “Gran.” 

In 2016, my brother Nordin and I returned to Sabah to look for her. We had no contacts, so we spoke to locals for two days asking for information. My brother and I sat at a pasar malam (night market) one night. We had often been to this night market when we were displaced as children. While we were there, a lady noticed us. “I remember you both. You lived here about 10 years ago,” she said. We exchanged some dialogue and eventually asked if she had any connections with “Nenek.” Not only did she say yes, but she also confirmed that Nenek, my “Gran,” was still alive. Better yet, she called Nenek’s great-grandchildren right then and there. Apparently, Nenek still lived in the jungles of Sabah. The lady told us to meet the following day at 5pm in the abandoned building we used to live in.

This type of meeting may sound strange to those who haven’t lived the refugee experience, but we immediately understood the need for secrecy. Nenek was still hiding from the police and needed to be careful. My brother and I couldn’t sleep that night, part of us reliving the fears that dominated our waking and sleeping lives as children: “Were we going to be robbed or murdered?” 

We took the shot and knocked on the door. Her great-great-grandchild responded, very afraid to open the door. I said, “aku si jija dengan si nordin,” meaning “this is Azizah and Nordin.” She opened the door, and there was Nenek, looking the same except with white hair. We didn’t know her age. Nenek said, “Oh my god, Yasmeen, it’s you,” thinking I was my eldest sister. I replied, “aku bukan Yasmeen, aku si Jijah,” meaning “I’m not Yasmeen, I am Azizah.” We both burst into tears, crying and hugging.

She told me there wasn’t a single day she went by without thinking about me. In her own way, Nenek had grieved the loss of a grandchild. Though I offered her money as a token of gratitude, I knew it could never truly repay her for everything she had done for me. I owed her so much, but I was powerless to give her and her family the one thing they truly needed – a guarantee of safety. The year after, my parents went back to show gratitude. At this point, she was too old to climb down from the jungle, so my parents had to hike up the same path I hid in. My parents told me she had a photo of me in her wooden shack when I was little beside her bed. 

In October 2003, our hell ended. The Australian government granted my entire family asylum. We arrived in Australia. For the first time in my life, I was safe and had rights – I was a person, and I finally had the paperwork to prove it. But I still don’t feel completely free. That feeling will come when all Rohingya people are free, and I no longer carry the burden of fighting for our freedom.

Today, I am the co-founder of the Rohingya Maìyafuìnor Collaborative Network, a women-led, Rohingya-led, and refugee-led organisation working on Rohingya human rights issues, SGBV, education, and translocal solidarity with a focus on women, peace, and security. I am also co-founder of the Rohingya Mayafunor Collaborative Network, alongside four remarkable Rohingya women who also faced displacement in ASEAN and resettled in Canada, the U.S., and New Zealand. 

Impact of genocide 

The active genocide against us has spanned 82 years. Make no mistake, it is a planned and systematic genocide. This genocide draws on many familiar tools from the oppressor’s toolbox, including compulsory labour, political disenfranchisement (Rohingya were stripped of their citizenship in 1982), land dispossession, physical violence, restrictions on marriage, closure of mosques, denial of access to education, regulation of families, burning of villages and homes, and the use of rape as a military tactic and form of psychological torture. 

It is important to note that the main perpetrator, the military junta, used the Bamar people to conduct their genocide. In 2017, a mass displacement of 700,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh in response to “Operation Clearance.” The Burmese military armed and trained non-Rohingya and non-Muslim Rakhine people before the attacks. They visited each Rohingya household and removed any weapons and knives, leaving the Rohingya without any tools to fight back. This so-called Operation led to the immediate deaths of more than 24,000 Rohingya. Countless others died in subsequent months and years as a result of Operation Clearance. 

Now fast forward to May 17th, 2024. Armed gunmen order Rohingya families in Arakan, Buthidaung, to evacuate by 10 am. The next morning, May 18th, I awoke to videos showing my mother’s village ablaze. That evening, my mother called, speaking with her nephew, who feared it might be their last conversation as the junta intensified its final killings of Rohingya. The junta’s severe restrictions on cameras, the internet, and communication have severely limited coverage and contact. Meanwhile, clashes between the Rakhine Army and the Burmese military junta continue to perpetrate genocide against Rohingya, resulting in the displacement of 45,000 Rohingya fleeing to Bangladesh and 200,000 internally displaced.

What we have seen are mass arrivals of Rohingya fleeing to neighbouring countries such as Malaysia, Indonesia, and Thailand. This will only increase as we see new waves of violence. 

How Rohingya are met in the region and double standards 

Due to misinformation, disinformation, and hate speech, Rohingya fleeing genocide are facing hostility in the region, which is manifesting into physical violence. Personally visiting my Rohingya brothers and sisters in Malaysia and Indonesia in recent months, I’ve witnessed their anxiety.

On a day when two million Indonesians protested for Gaza, a boat carrying Rohingya in Aceh was turned away. A Rohingya mother with two young children recounted to the BBC how one of her children died from starvation, and she had to bury the child by throwing the child into the sea. Where are the protests? Where are the voices of outrage? Where is the Instagram protest hashtag? 

There is a clear double standard arising out of racism, colourism, and selective empathy. I’ve faced online attacks myself. A video posted by UNHCR Asia where I expressed that the Rohingya want to return home received around 5,500 comments, many from hate bots or real people, branding us as “too black, too dark, too uncivilised, and animal-like.” One comment that really hit me asked, “Why did the military junta not finish their job and just kill them all?” 

Reflecting on this, I think of my suffering brothers and sisters. If I, a resettled Rohingya refugee in human rights advocacy for a decade, faces such treatment, imagine the fear among my people currently displaced. This hate speech isn’t spontaneous; it mirrors the language of the military junta and reinforces their genocidal agenda. Where is our support in the face of such hatred? My team and I have been working to build links between displaced Rohingya and local communities. We recently organised an art competition in Aceh to foster unity, bridging host communities and Rohingya with powerful images showcasing our shared humanity. 

Conclusion 

I could elaborate extensively on the Rohingya genocide and tell stories of Rohingya displacement in ASEAN. The situation is truly not complex: Rohingya people are facing annihilation, with various parties directly or indirectly perpetrating harm and escalating violence. There are now more Rohingya living outside Burma/Myanmar than within its borders. Doesn’t this underscore the severity of the crisis? The genocide continues unabated, necessitating urgent international community and public support. We’ve witnessed widespread demonstrations, protests, encampments, and global pressure on issues like Gaza.

Yet when world leaders act on the Rohingya, they are criticised for their inaction on other issues. When we finally get any small amount of attention, it is taken away from us and given to those deemed more “deserving.” Similar solidarity can and should be extended to the Rohingya, as we are defined by the United Nations as the most persecuted minority worldwide. This piece is dedicated to my siblings, who have resettled and are now raising beautiful Rohingya children, who have only shown true strength, love, support, and resilience.

It’s also dedicated to my Rohingya community, who have taught me lessons in generosity, kindness, and a deep love for our culture, people, and ancestral homeland of Arakan. We hope to see Arakan rebuilt and reclaim what has been taken away from us over the last 82 years.


Noor Azizah is the co-founder of the Rohingya Maiyafuinor Collaborative Network, a women-led, Rohingya-led, and refugee-led organisation working on Rohingya human rights issues, SGBV, education, and translocal solidarity with a focus on women, peace, and security.

United Wa State Army deploys troops to Lashio; Thailand pledges $250,000 USD in humanitarian aid to Burma

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United Wa State Army troops march at a ceremony commemorating the 35th anniversary of its ceasefire with the military on April 17. (Credit: Wa State TV)

United Wa State Army deploys troops to Lashio

The United Wa State Army (UWSA) deployed troops to Lashio on Saturday as fighting between the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and the military continued in northern Shan State. Nyi Rang, the UWSA spokesperson, told DVB that its troops entered the town to protect residents, its liaison office, and properties it owns.

“It is correct that the forces of Wa State entered Lashio but we got permission from both [sides],” he said. “We won’t be supporting anyone [in the conflict],” Nyi Rang added. The UWSA claims that it wants peace in Shan State, which is where it governs the Wa Self-Administered Zone or the “Wa State” as an autonomous region, which is de facto independent from Burma. 

Fighting between the MNDAA and the military began in Lashio on July 3. The MNDAA claimed to have seized the Regional Military Command there on July 25, but regime spokesperson Zaw Min Tun denied the reports as false. The UWSA is allied with the MNDAA, but declared neutrality during Operation 1027. It deployed troops to “protect” Tangyan Township from fighting in northern Shan on July 11.

Thailand pledges $250,000 USD in humanitarian aid to Burma

Thailand’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Maris Sangiampongsa said on Sunday that Bangkok will provide $250,000 USD worth of humanitarian aid to Burma through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre). 

“The benefit [from humanitarian assistance] must truly be available to all the people of Myanmar,” said Maris Sangiampongsa at the ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting held in Vientiane, Laos from July 24-28.  

Thailand previously delivered humanitarian aid to Burma at the 2nd Thai-Myanmar Friendship Bridge in Mae Sot, Thailand on March 25. The aid reached villages across the border in Karen State, including those located in areas under the control of the Karen National Union (KNU).

Yangon court orders second auction for Aung San Suu Kyi’s home

The Kamayut District Court ordered Aung San Suu Kyi’s home at 54 University Avenue in Yangon to be auctioned off for a second time on Aug. 15. Regime media reported that the starting bid is set as 300 billion kyat ($92 million USD). The first auction was held on March 20 with the price of 315 billion kyat but it failed to draw any bidders. 

“Aung San Oo, Suu Kyi’s brother, proposed the court to reduce it to 285 billion kyat but they rejected it,” said a source close to the court. Suu Kyi spent 15 years under house arrest at the lakeside villa under house arrest during a previous military regime until being released in 2010. The National Unity Government (NUG) Acting President Duwa Lashi La signed an order declaring the house a national heritage site on Sept. 2, 2022.

News by Region

Rescue workers provide assistance to flood victims in Bago on July 29. (Credit: Myanmar Fire Services Department)

BAGO—Nearly 20,000 residents have been evacuated to temporary shelters as of Monday, due to flooding caused by heavy rainfall. The Bago River breached critical thresholds on Sunday, according to the Department of Meteorology and Hydrology. 

“Elders and children were evacuated to shelters and their relatives’ homes. We also conducted emergency evacuations,” said a local charity group spokesperson. Regime media reported on Monday that it has evacuated 18,210 people affected by flooding in Bago Township.

ARAKAN—Nine Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) who fled from fighting between the Arakan Army (AA) and the military in Thandwe Township died after Kyaoh bridge collapsed on Saturday. “The bridge collapsed once they crossed it due to the flooding. Children were among the victims,” said a Thandwe resident. Residents have been affected by flooding due to heavy rainfall since July 25.

CHINLAND—Around 5,000 residents of Falam Township fled their homes after receiving news that resistance forces would attack the town. “Many people are still living [there],” said Salai Timmy, spokesperson of the Chin National Defence Force (CNO/CNDF), which is a resistance group based in Falam Township. The CNO/CNDF is a member of the Chin Brotherhood, an alliance of Chin resistance groups allied with the AA.

NAYPYIDAW—Naypyidaw residents said that four men and two women were arrested at a police checkpoint in Tatkon Township for allegedly supporting the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the People’s Defense Force (PDF) on Friday. 

“Police checked their phones and ordered them out of the car at gunpoint,” said a Tatkon resident. The military regime has ordered police to inspect the phones of anyone arriving from northern Shan State and to arrest those who’ve posted anything against the military to social media, according to sources close to the police.

SHAN—The Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) announced on Monday that it would “protect” the lives, homes and properties of residents in southern Shan as fighting between the Brotherhood Alliance and the military continues in northern Shan. 

The RCSS made the remark after a meeting at its headquarters in Loi Tai Leng, located in Mongpan Township. It called on the military to hold peace talks with resistance groups in order to establish a federal democracy. It has met with the military regime since the 2021 military coup.

Watch: What’s happening in Myanmar’s Tanintharyi Region? DVB English News is on X, FB, Instagram, Threads & TikTok. Subscribe to us on YouTube. Find us on YouTube Music.

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