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Military in quake-hit Myanmar extends ceasefire to May 31, regime media reports

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Smoke rises from Mogok Township, Mandalay Region, after an airstrike on May 3. (Credit: DVB)

Myanmar’s regime in Naypyidaw has extended a temporary ceasefire to May 31 to support reconstruction efforts following a massive earthquake on March 28 that killed at least 3,700 people and devastated parts of the country, regime media reported on Wednesday.

The regime initially announced a ceasefire on April 2, days after the March earthquake, to support relief efforts, following similar moves by anti-regime armed resistance groups.

Military airstrikes and artillery attacks have continued in some parts of Myanmar despite the ceasefire announcement, according to the U.N.

REUTERS

Securing China’s strategic interests in Myanmar by engineering an internal coup?

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A jetty for oil tankers on Madae island of Kyaukphyu Township, Arakan State, on Oct. 7, 2015. (Credit: Reuters)

Guest contributor

Moe Gyo

Myanmar’s rapid descent into chaos following the 2021 military coup has led to widespread instability that threatens both the nation’s sovereignty and regional security. 

The military, which overthrew the democratically elected civilian government, has faced growing resistance from various ethnic armed organizations and pro-democracy forces. 

This has severely weakened the military’s ability to maintain control and protect the country’s infrastructure. The situation in Myanmar now presents a paradox: while the country is unraveling, its strategic importance—particularly to China—remains undiminished. 

In light of this, China may opt to facilitate a coup within the military as a covert yet effective strategy to protect its significant economic investments and secure its long-term geopolitical objectives.

Myanmar’s strategic importance to China cannot be overstated. It serves as a critical link between China’s southwestern provinces and the Indian Ocean, offering a direct and less vulnerable route for energy supplies. 

The China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC), a vital component of the Belt and Road Initiative, is intended to connect China’s landlocked southwestern regions to the Indian Ocean via Myanmar, bypassing the more congested and vulnerable Malacca Strait. 

The project includes key infrastructure such as the Kyaukpyu deep-sea port and pipelines running from Myanmar’s Rakhine State to China’s Yunnan Province. 

These assets are pivotal for China’s energy security, offering a more secure route for transporting oil and natural gas and reducing China’s reliance on maritime shipping routes susceptible to geopolitical tensions.

However, Myanmar’s growing instability is jeopardizing these investments. 

If Myanmar were to descend further into anarchy, China could lose not only its investments but also its foothold in a region crucial to its long-term economic and security ambitions. 

Thus, instability within Myanmar poses a grave risk to China’s regional security and economic interests. 

The most straightforward way for China to protect its investments in Myanmar would be through direct military intervention. 

However, such an action would likely result in severe international backlash, particularly from the West and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). 

Military intervention would also compromise Myanmar’s sovereignty, turning the country into a proxy state for China, which could further alienate the Myanmar population and invite long-term resistance. 

Furthermore, a direct military presence would place Chinese troops in the crossfire of Myanmar’s ongoing civil conflict, risking significant casualties and prolonged involvement.

Instead, China is likely to favor a covert strategy to facilitate an internal coup within the military—a move that allows it to maintain plausible deniability. 

This approach offers several advantages: it avoids the risks of direct intervention, minimizes international backlash, and ensures that Myanmar retains its formal sovereignty while aligning more closely with Chinese interests. 

By supporting a coup from within, China can ensure that the new leadership is pro-China without incurring the political costs of overt intervention. 

This option also offers a more nuanced means of managing Myanmar’s internal conflicts, restoring stability while safeguarding China’s regional investments.

If China determines that the current leadership is incapable of restoring order or protecting its interests, it may opt to engineer an internal coup as a low-visibility yet decisive solution. Several key trigger points could prompt China to take this course of action.

As it continues to lose ground and fails to govern effectively, the risk of national fragmentation increases. 

For China, this weakening of the military poses a serious threat to the stability necessary for protecting its major infrastructure projects and energy corridors. 

A fragmented Myanmar endangers China’s strategic ambitions, making internal military realignment an increasingly attractive option.

Threats to the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC) serve as another potential trigger for Chinese intervention. Sabotage or occupation of critical infrastructure, such as the Kyaukpyu deep-sea port or the oil and gas pipelines linking Myanmar to Yunnan Province, represents a direct challenge to China’s economic interests and energy security. 

If these projects are compromised, China may view a regime change in Naypyidaw as a necessary step to secure and stabilize these high-value assets.

Civil conflict in Myanmar that leads to a refugee or humanitarian crisis spilling over into China’s Yunnan Province could also prompt action. Large-scale displacement and unrest at the border would raise domestic security concerns for China, pressuring it to restore order on its periphery. 

In this scenario, China may see a covertly supported leadership change as a necessary measure to stabilize the situation and prevent the crisis from affecting its own territory.

Finally, a breakdown of command-and-control manifested by rogue field units or disobedient commanders would signal the onset of military anarchy. 

Such a collapse would not only render the regime incapable of enforcing national cohesion but would also make it a liability for Chinese interests. 

To prevent the complete disintegration of Myanmar’s military apparatus, China may back a faction capable of restoring central control and ensuring a disciplined, pro-China command structure. 

The long-term impact of such a coup would be significant. Myanmar would become even more deeply integrated into China’s economic and political sphere, with its leadership reliant on Chinese patronage. 

Myanmar’s instability poses a serious threat to China’s regional ambitions and security. 

Faced with the possibility of prolonged chaos and the erosion of its strategic investments, China may view the facilitation of a coup as a necessary step to restore order and secure its interests.

A covertly supported coup presents a strategic solution that allows China to preserve plausible deniability while protecting its investments and influence. 

By combining intelligence, political maneuvering, military assistance, and economic leverage, China can shape the outcome of Myanmar’s internal crisis in its favor.

The potential rewards are substantial—securing vital infrastructure, maintaining energy flows, and stabilizing a key regional partner. However, the risks are equally significant. 

A failed coup in Myanmar could deepen the conflict, trigger wider unrest, provoke international condemnation, and damage China’s regional standing. 

Nonetheless, with careful execution, China could not only restore stability in Myanmar but also solidify its role as the dominant power shaping Southeast Asia’s geopolitical future.


Moe Gyo is a political consultant and strategist working on the Thailand-Myanmar border. 

DVB publishes a diversity of opinions that does not reflect DVB editorial policy. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our stories: [email protected]

Special Advisory Council for Myanmar on China’s ceasefire; People’s Defence Force marks 4th year of resistance to 2021 coup

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A regime convoy played a Buddhist chant from a loudspeaker while driving around Lashio Township, a tradition to ward off dangers and misfortune, on May 4. (Credit: The Voice of Spring)

Special Advisory Council for Myanmar on China’s ceasefire

The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M) spoke to DVB about China’s intervention in northern Shan State and its pressure on the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) to hand back Lashio Township to the regime. It claimed in a statement on Monday that this was a betrayal of those who died fighting to seize the town, and its Northeastern Regional Military Command (RMC), from regime control. 

“China has adopted a policy of open interference in Myanmar,” Connor Macdonald, the SAC-M advocacy and communications officer, told DVB. He added that the Beijing-brokered ceasefire raises concerns over how other resistance groups, including the Brotherhood Alliance’s Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Arakan Army (AA), may succumb to the pressure of signing a peace agreement with Naypyidaw.

Sources told DVB that China’s Special Envoy Deng Xijun was in Lashio last month to oversee the handover from the MNDAA to the regime, which was completed on April 22 as part of the ceasefire agreement reached between the two parties on Jan. 18. Lashio is located 107 miles (172 km) south of the Burma-China border town of Muse and 243 miles (391 km) north of the Shan State capital Taunggyi.

People’s Defence Force marks 4th year of resistance to 2021 coup

The National Unity Government (NUG) marked the fourth anniversary of the formation of the People’s Defence Force (PDF) on Monday. It celebrated the seizure of Indaw Township in Sagaing Region from regime forces on April 7. Besides Indaw, the NUG also administers PDF-controlled Khampat, Mawlu, Pinlebu, Myothit, and Shwe Pyi Aye in Sagaing Region, as well as Singu, Tagaung, and Thabeikkyin in Mandalay Region.

“Indaw was a historic victory for the PDF. It offered valuable experience and important lessons for the revolution ahead,” said Yi Mon, the NUG Minister of Defence, in a speech shared to social media on May 5. The NUG Ministry of Justice announced on May 2 that it has established 31 township-level courts and one interim appeals court in areas it administers

Burma News International (BNI) released a report on May 5 stating that the PDF and ethnic armed resistance groups now control a total of 96 towns nationwide. This includes 23 in northern Shan and 23 in Arakan states. Sixteen in Chinland. Fourteen in Kachin State. Six in Sagaing Region. Six in Karenni and southern Shan states. As well as four in Mandalay and four in Karen and Bago regions. 

Hein Min Thu was a teacher who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement after the 2021 military coup in Katha Township, Sagaing Region. (Credit: Unknown)

A political prisoner dies in Sagaing Region

The Political Prisoners Network Myanmar (PPNM) announced on Monday that a political prisoner named Hein Min Thu, aged 33, died of tuberculosis at Katha Prison, located in Katha Township of Sagaing Region, on April 26. Hein Min Thu’s family has not been notified of his death by prison authorities, according to PPNM. Katha is located 224 miles (361 km) north of the region’s capital Monywa. 

“He was taken to the hospital outside of the prison after he lost consciousness. He remained unconscious in the hospital for several days until he died,” Thaik Tun Oo, the PPNM spokesperson, told DVB. He added that Hein Min Thu, who was a teacher who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) after the 2021 coup, did not receive adequate medical attention while held inside the prison. 

Hein Min Thu was arrested on June 5, 2023 and sentenced to 15 years in prison for violating the Counter-Terrorism Law and Section 505(a) of the Penal Code for “incitement against the military” on March 28. Over 50 political prisoners have died due to lack of adequate medical care inside the nation’s prisons since the PPNM began collecting data in mid-2023.  

News by Region

KAREN—The Karen National Union (KNU) claimed that 39 regime troops were killed in 139 clashes with the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) last month in Hpapun Township (Mutraw District), located in KNU Brigade 5 territory 110 miles (177 km) northeast of the state capital Hpa-An. 

The KNU added that two civilians were killed by seven artillery strikes and at least 10 airstrikes carried out during April in which a total of 14 bombs were dropped. Four towns, including Hpapun, have been seized by the KNLA and its allied resistance forces from the regime since the 2021 coup. 

NAYPYIDAW—Regime leader Min Aung Hlaing will attend the 80th Victory Day parade in Moscow, Russia, on May 9, regime media reported on Tuesday. It did not disclose the date of his departure but added that he will hold separate talks with world leaders attending the ceremony. 

Naypyidaw sent a delegation to Moscow to participate in the parade on April 23. This will be the fifth visit to Russia for Min Aung Hlaing since 2021. He was officially welcomed to Russia as Burma’s “Head of State” on March 3. The regime extended its ceasefire on Tuesday up to May 31. 

SAGAING—Residents of Ye-U and Kani townships told DVB that one civilian was killed and two others were injured by airstrikes carried out by the Burma Air Force on Ye-U’s Inpahto village on Monday. No casualties were reported in Kani’s East Chaungma village.

Pyae Gyi, a member of the People’s Administration under the NUG, told DVB that there was no fighting against regime forces in Ye-U. Residents fear airstrikes and are unable to return to their agricultural practices. Kani and Ye-U are located 37-55 miles (59-88 km) north of the region’s capital Monywa.

(Exchange rate: $1 USD = 4,410 MMK) 

Myanmar: Junta sentences journalist to five years in jail

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Than Htike Myint was sentenced under the Counterterrorism Law for having rebel contacts on his cell phone. Myanmar's military government is fighting multiple armed opposition groups. (Photo: Myaelatt Athan)

Journalist Than Htike Myint was sentenced to five years in jail under Myanmar’s Counter Terrorism Law on April 3, for having contacts on his mobile phone linked to the People’s Defense Force, the armed wing of the country’s government-in-exile. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) joins its affiliate, the Myanmar Journalists Network (MJN), in condemning the arbitrary sentencing and calling for the immediate release of all jailed media workers in the country.

Than Htike Myint, a reporter for news agency Myaelatt Athan covering central Myanmar, was arrested by junta police and military personnel on February 6 in Myanaung Township, in the Ayeyarwady Region, after returning from exile to visit his pregnant wife. He was interrogated, tortured, and held for seven days by soldiers at the 51st Light Infantry Battalion Base before being transferred to Myanaung Police Station.

The journalist was detained until his sentencing by a regime court on April 3 under Section 52(a) of the Counter Terrorism Law, which holds a sentence of between three to seven years in prison for activities that ‘knowingly involve a terrorist group’. The junta charged Than Htike Myintwith possessing contacts and call records of People’s Defence Force members on his mobile phone, an armed wing of the National Unity Government (NUG) formed following the military coup on February 1, 2021, considered a terrorist organisation by the junta.

Myaelatt Athan editor-in-chief Salai Kaung Myat Min said that these contacts were needed for Than Htike Myint’s reporting, with the outlet not making news of his conviction and sentencing public until April 29. He has since been transferred to Ayeyarwady division’s Hinthada Prison.

Than Htike Myint began reporting for Myaelatt Athan in January 2025 and had previously worked as a correspondent for independent media outlets Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) and Mizzima. He had been targeted by Myanmar’s military in 2021 and sentenced to jail under Section 505(a) of the country’s Penal Code for ‘incitement’, before being released in 2022 during a regime amnesty.

Myanmar’s military has been in entrenched in a brutal civil war against the country’s ethnic armed groups and the NUG People’s Defence Force Soldiers since seizing power from Aung San Suu Kyi’s elected government in 2021, with independent journalists continuing to remain a target amid a crackdown on freedom of expression and association. Myanmar is the world’s third-worst jailer of journalists with 51 behind bars in February 2025, according to the International Centre for Not-for-Profit Law.

The MJN said: “The military junta, which seized power, has arrested journalist Than Htike Myint and sentenced him to five years in prison under the Counter-Terrorism Law. This is yet another incident aimed at intimidating Myanmar’s media professionals. Myanmar Journalists Network strongly condemns the sentencing of a journalist under the Counter-Terrorism Law simply for doing their job. We urge media organisations to unite and demand an end to the use of criminal charges to arrest and imprison journalists.”

The IFJ said: “The arbitrary sentencing of journalist Than Htike Myint on terrorism charges in yet another blatant attempt by Myanmar’s military junta to silence independent reporting and quash press freedom. The IFJ calls for the immediate and unconditional release of all jailed media workers in the country and stands firmly in solidarity with colleagues both inside Myanmar and in-exile who continue to report in the face of harassment, intimidation, arrest and violence.


For further information contact IFJ Asia – Pacific on [email protected]

The IFJ represents more than 600,000 journalists in 140 countries

Twitter: @ifjasiapacific, on Facebook: IFJAsiaPacific and Instagram

Airstrikes target town in northern Shan State; Bangladesh has ‘no intention of destabilizing’ Myanmar

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An airstrike on Mogok Township, Mandalay Region, killed one civilian and injured another on May 3. (Credit: TNLA)

Airstrikes target town in northern Shan State

The Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) claimed that the Burma Air Force carried out two airstrikes on Kyaukme town of northern Shan State on Monday. No casualties were reported. Kyaukme is located 68 miles (109 km) southwest of the regional capital Lashio and 107 miles (172 km) east of Mandalay. The TNLA seized Kyaukme on Aug. 5

Lway Yay Oo, the TNLA spokesperson, told the media on Sunday that the regime had intensified airstrikes and attacks following an unsuccessful second round of China-brokered ceasefire talks with the regime April 28-29. Residents of Mogok Township told DVB that a woman was killed by an airstrike on Sunday. Mogok came under TNLA control on July 24

Mogok is located 124 miles (200 km) northeast of Mandalay. The TNLA, along with the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and the Arakan Army (AA)-known collectively as the Brotherhood Alliance-extended its April ceasefire up to May 31 to allow earthquake relief work to continue. The regime ended its unilateral ceasefire on April 30.

Labour Day events in Yangon Region lead to regime scrutiny

Labour activists who marked International Workers’ Day on May 1 in Yangon Region have faced scrutiny by regime police, sources told DVB. “After we concluded the ceremony, the police arrived and asked whether we had obtained permission from the [regime]. They also inspected our organization’s permit and our connections with other groups,” a labour activist told DVB on the condition of anonymity.

This year’s “May day” was commemorated with online campaigns and labour union songs, according to posts on social media. Labour activists told DVB that they fear repercussions from the regime after police took statements and warned them about their use of language in the International Workers’ Day messages, which were deemed unacceptable by the authorities.

The Federation of General Workers Myanmar (FGWM) demanded on May 1 that employers pay a daily minimum wage of 20,000 MMK ($4 USD) for eight hours of labour. The ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) government set the daily minimum wage to 4,800 MMK ($1 USD) in May 2018. The law was meant to be revised every two years but it hasn’t changed, nor has the minimum wage, since then.

Bangladesh has ‘no intention of destabilizing’ Myanmar

The interim government of Bangladesh Security Advisor Khalilur Rahman stated that the country has not signed any agreement with the U.N. to deliver aid into Arakan State, via a humanitarian corridor. Rahman also serves as Special Assistant to the interim government Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus.

“It has only been discussed at a preliminary level,” Raman told a seminar on Rohingya repatriation at the Bangladesh University of Professionals in the capital Dhaka on Sunday. He added that Bangladesh has no intention of destabilizing Burma. But he confirmed the Rohingya will “definitely return” to Arakan State. Bangladesh hosts 1.3 million Rohingya refugees in camps located in Cox’s Bazar and Bhasan Char.

Bangladesh Foreign Advisor Md. Touhid Hossain told the media last month about how the interim government is considering a U.N. aid corridor into Burma. But he did not disclose further details. Fighting between the AA and the regime has driven over 113,000 Rohingya across the border into Bangladesh since 2023, according to the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).

News by Region

The People’s Defence Force in Salin Township, Magway Region, claimed that regime troops burned down a village on Jan. 30. (Credit: PDF)

MAGWAY—A People’s Defence Force (PDF) spokesperson told DVB that the Burma Air Force dropped at least 50 bombs during fighting between the PDF and a 150-strong regime column in two villages of Salin Township on Saturday. He added that residents had already fled their homes. No casualties were reported.

Salin is located 46 miles (74 km) northwest of the region’s capital Magway. The PDF claimed that regime forces burned down homes and fired artillery that landed in the villages March 12-13. 

Pakokku Township residents told DVB that a regime artillery strike killed a two-year-old child on Friday. A PDF member said that at least seven men from Meethwekan village were detained Saturday and had not been released by Sunday. Pakokku is located 105 miles (169 km) north of Magway.

Fighting between the PDF and regime forces have forced thousands of residents to flee their homes since April 28. Residents’ homes were looted and then burned down by regime forces, the PDF claimed. A strike committee spokesperson blamed the arson on the regime Light Infantry Division (LID) 101.

SAGAING—Residents of Salingyi Township told DVB that the Letpadaung copper mine continues to operate with a heavy security presence following the earthquake on March 28. Salingyi is home to three copper mines and is located 26 miles (41 km) south of the region’s capital Monywa. 

“[Pro-military security forces] transport copper after stopping for a while in Monywa along the Mandalay-Sagaing road,” a Salingyi resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity. At least 50 military personnel, as well as Chinese security guards, are stationed at the mines. 

(Exchange rate: $1 USD = 4,410 MMK) 

Read our latest op-ed: An analysis of Chinese security forces’ activities in Myanmar. DVB English News is on X, Facebook, Instagram, Threads & TikTok. Subscribe to us on YouTube.

US puts sanctions on Myanmar warlord and militia linked to cyber scams in Karen State

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Saw Chit Thu, the Karen Border Guard Force leader, has been sanctioned by the U.K. for links to human trafficking and forced labour in cyber scam operations run out of the BGF-controlled casino complex at Shwe Kokko, Karen State. (Credit: KIC)

The U.S. imposed sanctions on Monday on a Myanmar warlord, his two sons and the militia he leads, for facilitating cyber scams, human trafficking and cross-border smuggling, the Treasury Department said.

The Treasury said that Saw Chit Thu is a central figure in a network of illicit and highly lucrative cyber scam operations targeting Americans. Hundreds of thousands of people have been trafficked by criminal gangs across Southeast Asia in recent years and forced to work in the scam operations, according to the United Nations.

The move puts financial sanctions on Saw Chit Thu, leader of the Karen State Border Guard Force (BGF), which was rebranded as the Karen National Army (KNA). His two sons: Saw Htoo Eh Moo and Saw Chit Chit, were also sanctioned the department said in a statement, freezing any U.S. assets they may hold and generally barring Americans from doing business with them.

Britain and the E.U. have already imposed sanctions on Saw Chit Thu. Saw Chit Thu and his militia could not immediately be reached for comment.

The BGF/KNA is headquartered in Shwe Kokko, a so-called “Special Economic Zone” along the Thailand-Myanmar border, where the militia leases land and provides security for compounds where trafficked individuals are forced into scamming strangers online, the statement said.

“Cyber scam operations, such as those run by the KNA, generate billions in revenue for criminal kingpins and their associates, while depriving victims of their hard-earned savings and sense of security,” said Deputy Secretary Michael Faulkender.

Saw Chit Thu’s ties to Myanmar’s military rulers, evidenced by an honorary title for “outstanding performance” conferred on him by regime leader Min Aung Hlaing in November 2022, have helped him build his position.

Washington has imposed multiple rounds of sanctions on Myanmar’s regime and its sources of income since the military toppled the elected government of Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi in February 2021, igniting a spiralling civil war.

Monday’s sanctions were the first Myanmar-related sanctions imposed since President Donald Trump took office in January.

The Treasury’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network last week proposed banning Cambodian financial firm Huione Group from the U.S. financial system over its alleged role in laundering illicit funds from cyber heists and online scams.

REUTERS

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