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Sixty-two years since July 7, 1962: A memorial for the anniversary

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A man takes a look at the July 7, 1962 memorial at Sanimthoon Community Cafe in Chiang Mai, Thailand on Sunday.

The 62nd anniversary of the July 7, 1962 memorial was held at the Sanimthoon Community Cafe in Chiang Mai, Thailand on July 7. It was organized by the Chiang Mai Burmese Students Network and the General Strike Committee (GSC).

“We must keep up the July 7 spirit for [our resistance to] the military dictatorship because we want to build a new nation. This is why we are currently resisting the military dictatorship in various ways. Not only through armed struggle but also through the civil resistance movement,” an event organizer told DVB on the condition of anonymity.

The July 7 commemorative event featured a screening of the documentary film “7.7.62 Don’t Forget.” It also featured photographs, performance art and poetry, as well as a fundraiser for the All Burma Federation of Students Unions (ABFSU).

What does Narendra Modi’s re-election mean for Myanmar?

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Guest contributor

Shalini Perumal

India’s relationship with Myanmar is complex, interspersed with geopolitical interests, economic ties, and sociopolitical dynamics. 

With Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent re-election, the path ahead in this bilateral relationship is poised for continuity of present realities with potential new shifts, particularly in terms of implications for refugees living in India, anti-Muslim sentiments against Rohingyas, relevant laws relating to the border, and India’s stance on Myanmar’s military junta.

India and Myanmar share a long history of cultural, economic, and political interactions. Post-independence, India supported Myanmar’s fight to free itself from British rule. In recent decades, however, strategic and economic interests have taken precedence. 

Myanmar’s strategic location, acting as a gateway to Southeast Asia and its resources, has positioned it as a vital partner in India’s “Act East” policy. Since Narendra Modi took office in 2014, his administration has focused on strengthening ties with Myanmar through infrastructure projects, economic investments, and security cooperation. 

The Kaladan Multimodal Transit Transport Project and the India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway are key examples of infrastructural initiatives aimed at enhancing connectivity and trade.

With Modi’s re-election, India’s policy towards Myanmar is expected to follow a similar path, emphasising economic collaboration and strategic partnerships. However, this continuity also raises several critical issues. 

For example, Modi’s administration has maintained a cautious approach towards Myanmar’s internal politics. Following the 2021 military coup, India’s response was measured, with a focus on stability and regional security rather than outright condemnation. 

Yet, over time, we see that the Indian government has been providing military equipment to the junta, and its position seems to be one of support of an illegal government. Furthermore, India hosts a significant number of refugees from Myanmar, particularly the Rohingya – a Muslim ethnic nationality. 

The Modi government’s stance on refugees has been marked by a complex interplay of humanitarian concerns and national security interests. The Supreme Court’s ruling in 2021 allowing the deportation of Rohingya refugees despite international criticism delineates this tension. 

According to the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), there are approximately 40,000 Rohingya refugees in India. Their fate under Modi’s continued leadership remains precarious, with potential policies focusing more on border security and less on refugee rights. Reports indicate increased deportations and crackdowns on undocumented migrants, exacerbating the vulnerabilities of the refugee population.

Modi’s tenure has seen a rise in Hindu nationalism, impacting India’s social fabric. Anti-Muslim sentiments have been particularly pronounced, affecting the Rohingya community. 

The rhetoric against Rohingya Muslims, often labeled as a security threat, aligns with broader nationalist narratives. For instance, Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has repeatedly portrayed the Rohingya as “illegal immigrants” and “terrorists,” which has fueled public sentiment against them. 

The Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) of 2019, which fast-tracks citizenship for non-Muslim refugees from neighbouring countries, highlights the Modi government’s approach to refugee and immigration policies. 

The exclusion of Muslims, including Rohingya, from the CAA reflects the administration’s broader stance on religious minorities. The National Register of Citizens (NRC) exercise further indicates these dynamics, potentially leaving many Muslim refugees stateless.

India’s engagement with Myanmar is also driven by economic and strategic considerations. Myanmar’s rich natural resources, including oil, gas, and minerals, are vital for India’s growing economy. 

Additionally, the strategic importance of Myanmar in countering Chinese influence in the region cannot be overstated. Modi’s administration is likely to continue fostering economic ties, even if it means a delicate balancing act with the military regime. 

India’s stance towards Myanmar, especially its support for the military junta and the handling of the refugee crisis, has drawn international criticism. Human rights organisations have called on India to adopt a more humanitarian approach towards refugees and to exert pressure on Myanmar for democratic restoration. 

Modi’s re-election may not see significant shifts in this regard, given the administration’s prioritisation of strategic and economic interests over humanitarian concerns. 


Shalini Perumal is a creative international development professional who has worked previously in Mae Sot, Thailand at Mae Tao Clinic. She is currently a freelance journalist as well as Communications Officer at ActionAid India in New Delhi. The views expressed in the article are her own and do not necessarily reflect those of the organisation. 

DVB publishes a diversity of opinions that does not reflect DVB editorial policy. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our stories: [email protected]

For the Country art exhibition by Ess Sai Mein

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Artist Ess Sai Mein at the opening ceremony of “For the Country” exhibition at Pongnoi Community Art Space on July 5.

The opening ceremony of the art exhibition For the Country was held at Pongnoi Community Art Space in Chiang Mai, Thailand on July 5. Artist Ess Sai Mein said that his exhibit reflects the suffering of the people in Shan State due to conflict, which has been exacerbated sine the 2021 military coup.

“In my paintings I use sarcasm and humor. This is what I’m trying to express about the real situation in Shan State. This is the reality that I can not ignore,” he added.

Sirada Khemanitthathai, a professor at Chiang Mai University’s Faculty of Political Science and Public Administration, led a discussion on art and Myanmar with Ess Sai Mein on July 5 to open the exhibit. For the Country by Ess Sai Mein will be on display at Pongnoi Community Art Space until Aug. 13

Brotherhood Alliance claims six killed by military in Lashio

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A hole in the wall of a building in Lashio, which was hit by artillery on July 4. (Credit: SHAN News)

The Brotherhood Alliance, which includes the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), claimed that six Lashio residents, including one child, were killed and 10 were injured in artillery attacks carried out by the military on July 4.

The TNLA added that the six were killed in different wards of Lashio during fighting with the military. At least 12 have been reportedly killed since fighting began between the Brotherhood Alliance and the military on June 25. “I can hear non-stop gunfire. It is coming from the Burma Army side,” a Lashio resident told DVB. 

On Wednesday, a family of six, including one child, was killed in their home by artillery. Schools have been shut down and residents have fled Lashio. The TNLA accused the military of using poison gas bombs in Nawnghkio Township, which is located 201 kms southwest of Lashio. 

What’s happening in Myanmar’s Chin State? A Chinland explainer

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Chin resistance forces, known as the Chin Brotherhood, at the entrance to Matupi town on June 29. (Credit: Operation Chin Brotherhood)

After the 2021 military coup, the Chin National Army (CNA) joined forces with a new armed group called the Chinland Defence Force (CDF). But a split in the resistance lead to a new group called the Chin Brotherhood. On June 29, the Chin Brotherhood seized control of Matupi Township, in southern Chinland, after clashes with the CNA and CDF.

TRANSCRIPT—What’s happening in Myanmar’s western Chin State is worth your attention.

After the 2021 military coup, the Chin National Army (CNA) scrapped the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) it signed in 2015. 

To mount an effective resistance to the military, the Chinland Defense Force (CDF) joined forces with the CNA in April 2021.

Together with Chin political parties and civil society, the Chinland Constitution was drafted.

This culminated in the Chinland Council, a provisional government with executive, legislative and judicial branches, in February.

But some in the Chin resistance disagreed and said the council failed to conform to democratic standards.

The Chinland Council is dominated by the CNA’s political wing, the Chin National Front (CNF), and the National League for Democracy (NLD).

This new faction of the resistance calls itself the Chin Brotherhood. It consists of six Chin resistance groups.

On June 29, the Chin Brotherhood seized control of Matupi Township, in southern Chinland, from the military.

Chin resistance forces now have 11 towns under its control.   

The Arakan Army (AA) seized control of Paletwa Township in southern Chin State in January. 

The Chinland Council accused the AA of ignoring the harmony among ethnic groups by forcibly recruiting Paletwa residents.

Fighting between the Chinland Council forces, led by the CNA, and the Chin Brotherhood took place in Matupi.

But CNA troops withdrew a week later, on June 24.

So far, efforts to unite the two factions of the Chin resistance have been unsuccessful.

The Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO) told DVB that there are over 200,000 Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs).

Around 60,000 have taken refuge in India due to the fighting across Chinland.

Weekly Briefing: July 5, 2024

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DVB English News Weekly Briefing for July 5, 2024. In this week’s briefing: A year on since the disappearance of Thuzar Maung and her family from their home in Malaysia; 66 Myanmar refugees end 18-day hunger strike at prison in India’s Manipur State; The Interim Executive Council marks one year of provisional government in Karenni State.

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