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Youth attacked by night watchmen

31

Mar 3, 2009 (DVB), A youth was hospitalised with a broken hand after being attacked by night watchmen in Rangoon’s South Dagon new town on 28 February.

The incident occurred in Ward 70 after a bus conductor named Lin Lin Tun, who was returning from work around 1am, was chased by a dog and threw a stone at it.

The stone missed the dog and hit a bucket situated beneath a guardhouse, waking up the five sleeping watchmen in the process.

The watchmen then attacked him and the victim was left with a broken right hand and a cracked rib, a relative said.

"The watchmen reported it to the ward authority and they notified us at 4am," said the relative.

"He was lying there for three hours. When he regained consciousness, we sent him to the hospital and reported it to the police but no one came to get evidence from him yet."

Although the attackers are known to local people, the local police said they are still investigating the incident.

"We don't know who the attackers are except that they are five unknown people," said a police officer.

"We still have to ask the victims who the attackers were and we are carrying out an investigation. They will be punished accordingly," he said.

Local people said night watchmen have been sleeping on duty and bullying local people. The victim’s relatives are planning to report the incident to SPDC chairman General Than Shwe at Naypyidaw.

Reporting by Thurein Soe

Generation Wave activists sentenced

5

Mar 3, 2009 (DVB), Generation Wave members Nyein Chan and Aung Ko Min were handed down jail terms by Sanchaung township court on 27 February for distributing leaflets marking the one-year anniversary of the group's formation.

The two are currently being held at Insein prison and will be transferred to remote prisons.

Nyein Chan was sentenced to eight years under section 6 of Unlawful Associations Act and section 17(1) of Immigration Act. He still faces further charges.

Aung Ko Min was sentenced to five years with the Unlawful Association Act, a relative of theirs said.

They were arrested at home on 10 October 2008, a day after the first anniversary of the formation of GW. Eight more members were arrested on the same day, GW member Moe Thway said.

"We distributed leaflets on 9 October to mark the anniversary and they were arrested in connection with that," he said.

"Others arrested were Zin Min Aung, Aung Paing, Yeh Khaung Htut from south Okkalapa. Arkar (also known as Kyaw Thu Myo Myint) was arrested three or four days later and sentenced to 10 years."

They were all transferred to remote jails at Kawthaung, Taungoo, Kyaukpyu and Mong Sat.

Reporting by Nan Kham Kaew

NLD youth member transferred to remote prison

0

Mar 2, 2009 (DVB), National League for Democracy youth member Thiha, who was sentenced to 22 years in prison in 2007 for treason and distributing leaflets, has been transferred to a remote prison in northern Kachin state.

Thiha, from Meikhtila, was transferred on 24 February by train from Insein prison to Pu-tao prison.

"He told a woman passenger and gave her the phone number and told her to ring me that he was transferred to Pu-tao jail," said his wife Theh Theh.

"The woman sympathised and rang me and said that he showed her his son’s photo," she said. "My wife is in Meikhtila he told her."

Thiha was arrested on 7 September 2007 while on his way home from a meeting prior to the Saffron Revolution. Theh Theh was six months pregnant at the time and their son is now 11 months old.

On the 17 September, he was summarily tried without a legal representative and sentenced to 22 years in Mandalay Ohpo jail.

He was then transferred to Insein jail in Rangoon, where he was held for a year and six months before being transferred to Pu-tao jail.

"I have not seen him for more than a year now," said Theh Theh. "His situation could get worse at Pu-tao."

Thiha was also arrested after Depayin incident in May 2003 in which Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD supporters were attacked by regime-backed militias.

He was sent to Khandee prison in Sagaing division, where he was blind-folded and imprisoned in an isolated cell for six months.

Reporting by Nan Kham Kaew

Biting the hand that feeds the nation

107

Pascal Khoo-Thwe

Mar 2, 2009 (DVB), As Peasants' Day is marked in Burma on 2 March, the plight of farmers in the country remains desperate.

Farmers or ‘peasants’, including tribesmen, are one of the most abused, exploited and overlooked social denomination in Burma , and they are often taken for granted not only by the ruling elites but also by the opposition groups.

Yet they make up the majority of the population, and the ruling elites are mostly of peasant stock.

Whenever there is political instability or power struggles among the ruling elites, rural areas are where they always go to rally for support. Villagers are forced to join willy-nilly at their own risk and irrespective of the outcomes.

After the coup in September 1988, preceded by the nationwide uprising, students and activists fled into the jungles to avoid arrests. Villagers gave us shelters, fed us and guided us through the dangerous jungles, feared by us so-called educated people. But as soon as we were out of danger, it was the villagers who bore the brunt of the wrath of the army, and their villages were burnt down, crops destroyed, and they themselves were imprisoned, tortured or even killed.

During the parliamentary democracy period from 1948 to 1962, many farmers were recruited as cannon fodder for various factions of the rebels fighting U Nu’s government, which also recruited villagers. When asked by U Nu why so many farmers had joined the Burma Communist Party, someone reportedly replied that had the prime minister looked after the farmers better, there would not be much support for the communists.

The late dictator General Ne Win exploited the weakness of U Nu by enticing farmers with favours and actively promoting the myth of noble peasants on the one hand and meting out brutality towards those who opposed his myth with the other. As a result, the communists were driven out of their strongholds in central Burma, but sympathy for the communists never went away, even though most of them do not believe in Communism. Once he achieved his aim of gaining absolute power, Ne Win treated the farmers with same disdain as his predecessors and ignored their plight.

The situation was no better for farmers during the colonial period either. When ex-monk Saya San led farmers , mostly armed with amulets, spears and agricultural tools , against their foreign masters during the 1930s, the British ruthlessly crushed the rebellion with a campaign that treated the farmers no better than dacoits. They were imprisoned, hung and shot. The rebellion was said to be caused by money lending Chettiars from India who monopolised the rice market and sucked the blood of farmers dry with high interest rates, which was also exacerbated by the Great Depression.

But many, including those who lived under colonial rule, argue that the situation for present-day farmers is worse than that under the British. They are certainly not wrong, if not completely right. In place of Chettiars are now companies owned by the army and relatives and cronies of the generals, who are using all available means and tricks to bleed the farmers dry. Farmers are eking out a life no better than that of slaves as their best farms, crops, communal pastures and jungles are confiscated by the army, and they are commandeered into forced labour for ‘government projects’. And their children are still forcibly recruited into the army.

Their remaining children cannot afford to go to school, and some of them have sold their ancestral farmlands to look for jobs in cities and neighbouring countries, or to join the rebels. When the guardians of Burmese rural life are forced to leave their homes due to the impacts of globalisation and greed, their old communities are left derelict and lifeless.

But it is hard to imagine the rise of a new Saya San in the near future for farmers as it is harder to fight your own flesh and blood than foreign ‘bloodsuckers’. It will take more than Seven Samurais to get rid of the cancerous climate of fear and its agents in Burma, as the military itself is merely an agent of powerful neighbouring countries which only are mainly interested in getting cheap natural resources from Burma.

At the same time, farmers and the children of farmers who became soldiers, doctors, engineers and the like must change or at least improve our ways of thinking and modus operandi if we are to retain a hint of our traditions and identity. Burma is like a burning house and we can’t save everything. What makes it worse is, most of us affected have been playing the crying and blaming game while the house burns.

Then again, in the past no one dared to think that peasants in China could defeat the mighty Chiang Kai Sheik government or that the mighty Shah of Iran could be overthrown by a religious figure. Look at the works of history and find in them hope or despair. But I do doubt if the majority of farmers would benefit from a successful revolution , which is one of the reasons why the farmers themselves are very reluctant to rebel against a government armed to the teeth. In any case, the farmers have too many things to do on the farms to survive and the best policy for any sensible government would be to leave them alone and let them do their jobs in peace. But will they? Paddy fields, jungles and villages have been the battlegrounds of greed and hatred for more than half a century in Burma and there is no sign that it will stop to be so.

Meanwhile, whether there is a government-appointed Peasants’ Day in Burma or not , which incidentally is marked on the same day that Ne Win staged the military coup in 1962 , the role of the farmers is still being overlooked by all those involved who are wasting their time on theoretical matters which lead us nowhere and not taking action.

It’s also time to think carefully whether it is successive constitutions and elections that have been feeding Burma every day or the ‘peasants’ and other hardworking people, and to look for more pragmatic strategies to help the country.

But one thing is certain , farmers will be the true inheritors of the earth for bad or for worse, as we will still have to eat the food they grow and the animals they feed.

Biting the hand that feeds the nation

223

Pascal Khoo-Thwe

Mar 2, 2009 (DVB), As Peasants' Day is marked in Burma on 2 March, the plight of farmers in the country remains desperate.

Farmers or ‘peasants’, including tribesmen, are one of the most abused, exploited and overlooked social denomination in Burma , and they are often taken for granted not only by the ruling elites but also by the opposition groups.

Yet they make up the majority of the population, and the ruling elites are mostly of peasant stock.

Whenever there is political instability or power struggles among the ruling elites, rural areas are where they always go to rally for support. Villagers are forced to join willy-nilly at their own risk and irrespective of the outcomes.

After the coup in September 1988, preceded by the nationwide uprising, students and activists fled into the jungles to avoid arrests. Villagers gave us shelters, fed us and guided us through the dangerous jungles, feared by us so-called educated people. But as soon as we were out of danger, it was the villagers who bore the brunt of the wrath of the army, and their villages were burnt down, crops destroyed, and they themselves were imprisoned, tortured or even killed.

During the parliamentary democracy period from 1948 to 1962, many farmers were recruited as cannon fodder for various factions of the rebels fighting U Nu’s government, which also recruited villagers. When asked by U Nu why so many farmers had joined the Burma Communist Party, someone reportedly replied that had the prime minister looked after the farmers better, there would not be much support for the communists.

The late dictator General Ne Win exploited the weakness of U Nu by enticing farmers with favours and actively promoting the myth of noble peasants on the one hand and meting out brutality towards those who opposed his myth with the other. As a result, the communists were driven out of their strongholds in central Burma, but sympathy for the communists never went away, even though most of them do not believe in Communism. Once he achieved his aim of gaining absolute power, Ne Win treated the farmers with same disdain as his predecessors and ignored their plight.

The situation was no better for farmers during the colonial period either. When ex-monk Saya San led farmers , mostly armed with amulets, spears and agricultural tools , against their foreign masters during the 1930s, the British ruthlessly crushed the rebellion with a campaign that treated the farmers no better than dacoits. They were imprisoned, hung and shot. The rebellion was said to be caused by money lending Chettiars from India who monopolised the rice market and sucked the blood of farmers dry with high interest rates, which was also exacerbated by the Great Depression.

But many, including those who lived under colonial rule, argue that the situation for present-day farmers is worse than that under the British. They are certainly not wrong, if not completely right. In place of Chettiars are now companies owned by the army and relatives and cronies of the generals, who are using all available means and tricks to bleed the farmers dry. Farmers are eking out a life no better than that of slaves as their best farms, crops, communal pastures and jungles are confiscated by the army, and they are commandeered into forced labour for ‘government projects’. And their children are still forcibly recruited into the army.

Their remaining children cannot afford to go to school, and some of them have sold their ancestral farmlands to look for jobs in cities and neighbouring countries, or to join the rebels. When the guardians of Burmese rural life are forced to leave their homes due to the impacts of globalisation and greed, their old communities are left derelict and lifeless.

But it is hard to imagine the rise of a new Saya San in the near future for farmers as it is harder to fight your own flesh and blood than foreign ‘bloodsuckers’. It will take more than Seven Samurais to get rid of the cancerous climate of fear and its agents in Burma, as the military itself is merely an agent of powerful neighbouring countries which only are mainly interested in getting cheap natural resources from Burma.

At the same time, farmers and the children of farmers who became soldiers, doctors, engineers and the like must change or at least improve our ways of thinking and modus operandi if we are to retain a hint of our traditions and identity. Burma is like a burning house and we can’t save everything. What makes it worse is, most of us affected have been playing the crying and blaming game while the house burns.

Then again, in the past no one dared to think that peasants in China could defeat the mighty Chiang Kai Sheik government or that the mighty Shah of Iran could be overthrown by a religious figure. Look at the works of history and find in them hope or despair. But I do doubt if the majority of farmers would benefit from a successful revolution , which is one of the reasons why the farmers themselves are very reluctant to rebel against a government armed to the teeth. In any case, the farmers have too many things to do on the farms to survive and the best policy for any sensible government would be to leave them alone and let them do their jobs in peace. But will they? Paddy fields, jungles and villages have been the battlegrounds of greed and hatred for more than half a century in Burma and there is no sign that it will stop to be so.

Meanwhile, whether there is a government-appointed Peasants’ Day in Burma or not , which incidentally is marked on the same day that Ne Win staged the military coup in 1962 , the role of the farmers is still being overlooked by all those involved who are wasting their time on theoretical matters which lead us nowhere and not taking action.

It’s also time to think carefully whether it is successive constitutions and elections that have been feeding Burma every day or the ‘peasants’ and other hardworking people, and to look for more pragmatic strategies to help the country.

But one thing is certain , farmers will be the true inheritors of the earth for bad or for worse, as we will still have to eat the food they grow and the animals they feed.

Store manager escapes punishment over missing money

11

Mar 2, 2009 (DVB), A manager of a Win Thuzar store in Mandalay's Myingyan township has escaped punishment over the misuse of 70 million kyat due to being a close-relative of Ministry of Industry (1) minister Aung Thaung, employees say.

Government officials from Naypyidaw last week came to Myingyan to investigate the financial accounts of local Win Thuzar stores, which are run by, and sell products from, the Ministry of Industry (1).

They found that over 70 million kyat had gone missing from the store's account. Employees from the shop said the manager, Win Aung, was not punished for the missing money.

The Ministry of Industry (1) and the Win Thuzar store where the money went missing were unavailable for comments.

In November last year, Myinchan USDA secretary Hla Than, who is also known to have close ties with Aung Thaung, went unpunished following accusations by workers and bus drivers that he misused public funds which led to the theft of 900 million kyat.

Reporting by Aye Nai

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