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Political prisoners in Myanmar ‘suffering from malnutrition’

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The entrance gate at Loikaw Prison in 2020. (Credit: DVB)

Around 20 political prisoners at Loikaw Prison are suffering from malnutrition as a result of cuts to food rations, a lack of physical activity, and restrictions on family visitations, according to the Karenni Political Prisoners Association (KPPA), a civil society group that monitors prisons in Karenni State.

“The military troops have also positioned themselves in the prison so the prisoners cannot walk or do any exercises. This combined with malnutrition may lead to weakness in limbs,” Aung Myo Kyaw, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) joint secretary, told DVB. 

He added that Loikaw Prison has over 400 inmates, including around 120 political prisoners. Prison officials are also reportedly facing shortages of food since fighting has escalated between the military and Karenni resistance forces. 

The Karenni resistance has claimed to have seized control of six towns in Karenni and Shan states: Mese, Demoso, Ywa Thit, Shadaw, Mawchi and Moebye. While they had controlled roughly 80 percent of the state capital Loikaw since an offensive was launched in November 2023, the military regained control of the city last June.

For each political prisoner, the regime’s Prisons Department has allocated a monthly healthcare budget of just 1,100 MMK ($0.24 USD at the current market rate), according to the Political Prisoners Network of Myanmar (PPNM).

It added that 22 political prisoners across the country died last year due to inadequate medical care and claimed that the exact number could be even higher given that the regime doesn’t allow monitors, nor the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), to access its prison system. 

Zaw Myint Maung, Mandalay Region chief minister and vice chair of the National League for Democracy (NLD) party, – arrested after the 2021 coup – died of leukemia one day after his release from Mandalay Prison on medical grounds. He was serving a 29-year sentence at Obo Prison.

Nyan Win, an NLD Central Executive Committee (CEC) member and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi’s personal lawyer, died in prison from COVID-19 in 2021.

Many NLD leaders held in prison are elderly and require constant medical care. NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who is serving a 27-year prison sentence in Naypyidaw, will turn 80 this year. Her son, Kim Aris, has launched a campaign ahead of her birthday on June 19 to raise awareness about her detention by the regime over the last four years.

NLD patron Win Htein is the oldest among the detained NLD leaders at 83. He is currently serving a 20-year prison sentence. President Win Myint, who is serving eight years in prison, is 73. 

“We must win this Spring Revolution so we can free political prisoners ourselves,” added Aung Myo Kyaw, referring to the armed uprising against the military that followed the crackdown on peaceful anti-coup protests. 

Since the 2021 coup, 28,350 people have been arrested for political reasons and 21,632 remain in regime detention or have been sentenced, according to the AAPP.

A rebuttal to the allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi and a call for perspective

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Myanmar State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi delivers a speech to the nation on the situation in Rakhine (Arakan) State, from Naypyidaw in September 2017. (Credit: Reuters)

Guest contributors

Alan Clements & Fergus Harlow

Myanmar is in freefall. Since the military coup in 2021, the country has plunged into unrelenting chaos: widespread atrocities, thousands of lives lost, and over two million people displaced. 

Attempting to obliterate democracy itself, a brutally oppressive junta has compounded the systematic dismantling of democratic institutions with the imprisonment of all elected leaders—Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, cabinet ministers, and over 21,000 prisoners of conscience.

Yet, amid the horrors of this harrowing landscape, many critics choose to target not the architects of this tragedy, the junta, but its most prominent victim.

Benedict Rogers’ recent article, “The world must end its silence on Aung San Suu Kyi” in Union of Catholic Asian News on Jan. 17  indulges in distorted half-truths. 

Despite his so-called good intentions, Rogers casts Aung San Suu Kyi as the villain in a tragedy engineered by the very junta she has consistently opposed.

This is not journalism—it’s the rhetorical equivalent of lighting a pyre beneath a woman enduring her 19th year of imprisonment, in her fourth concurrent year in solitary confinement, and calling it justice.

Mainstream news has taken to calling Myanmar a “forgotten country,” but a documentary from The Independent last December reveals a country not forgotten but deliberately ignored. 

Some lament the fall of “the one democratic hope that Burma had,” her betrayal by those who unreasonably expected a saint and then abandoned her when sullied by realpolitik.

“Some journalists I speak to now admit they got it wrong about my mother,” explains Aung San Suu Kyi’s son, Kim Aris, featured prominently in the film, talking to us before its release. 

Research from organizations like Care International charts a clear relationship between Western reporting, exacerbated sectarian violence, and increasing nationalism. 

As Sir John Jenkins, former U.K. ambassador to Myanmar, explains in the documentary, Suu Kyi’s abandonment by her ‘international friends’ during the Rohingya crisis enabled the military to launch its 2021 coup d’état.

The Hague defense: A tightrope over an abyss

Labeling Suu Kyi’s 2019 defense of Myanmar at The International Court of Justice (ICJ) as a “defense of the military” by a “genocide apologist” carries as much weight as a shadow on a sidewalk. 

She undertook a delicate legal and diplomatic defense of her country, at a time when abandoning internal judicial processes to international intervention would have made things worse.

International observers stubbornly failed to frame sectarian violence as inter-communal, ignoring the reality that condemnation of either Buddhist or Muslim communities would have only fanned the flames. Addressing the ICJ, Suu Kyi declared:

“Myanmar will have no tolerance for human rights abuses committed in Rakhine State and will prosecute the military if war crimes have been committed there.”

These statements were not denials of atrocities but rather acknowledgments of Myanmar’s challenges. 

Her appearance at The Hague was not a declaration of complicity but an act of survival. To brand Suu Kyi a collaborator is to ignore the suffocating grip the military held over her government.

Power-sharing as “collusion”

Aung San Suu Kyi’s political philosophy emphasized peace through dialogue and non-vilification. This approach stands out as a rare strategy in a world that often divides, demonizes, and retaliates. 

The insinuations of collusion dismiss Suu Kyi’s intentions and deny the reality of Myanmar’s 2008 Constitution as an instrument of military control. 

Dismantling the military was never an option. The system she inherited was designed to obstruct civilian control, making incremental reform the only realistic path forward.

Critics who accuse Suu Kyi of failing to dismantle the junta’s power overlook an essential fact: dismantling the military was never an option.

The real question is not why Suu Kyi failed to dismantle the junta, but why critics are so eager to transfer blame for the military’s crimes onto her shoulders.

Attacks and the Kofi Annan Commission: A convenient omission

Any analysis of Aung San Suu Kyi’s leadership during the Rakhine State crisis that omits the brutal attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) is not just incomplete; it is intentionally misleading. 

These coordinated attacks by the Islamic terrorist group were a deliberate provocation. ARSA’s goal was to destabilize the region and provoke military retaliation.

The formation of the Kofi Annan Commission on Rakhine State was an extraordinary act of political courage in a country deeply fractured by ethnic divisions. 

Critics often dismiss it as a public relations stunt, ignoring the commission’s real significance. Suu Kyi’s leadership during this time laid the groundwork for reconciliation.

Ignoring ARSA’s calculated provocation is akin to analyzing the horrors following October 7 in Israel without acknowledging the Hamas attacks that precipitated the escalation. 

Blaming Suu Kyi for the military’s obstruction is as irrational as blaming a firefighter for the crimes of an arsonist.

The people’s mandate: A testament to resilience

Under her guidance, the National League for Democracy (NLD) became a symbol of defiant yet peaceful opposition to the junta. 

By the 2020 elections, despite systemic repression, the people of Myanmar overwhelmingly entrusted Suu Kyi with their democratic aspirations. 

Each vote cast for the NLD was a profound act of defiance—a declaration that the people of Myanmar refused to bow to authoritarianism.

Yet critics trivialize this victory and dismiss Suu Kyi’s leadership as a failure. Such criticism disregards the sacrifices of millions who risked their safety and livelihoods to support her vision of a free Myanmar.

The true villains: A junta that thrives on oppression

The fixation on Aung San Suu Kyi’s perceived failings obscures the crimes of the military generals, led by Min Aung Hlaing, who have orchestrated a reign of terror for decades. 

These are the men who planned and executed the 2021 coup, dismantling democracy, and plunging the country into chaos.

Aung San Suu Kyi’s leadership and the NLD’s electoral victories were direct challenges to this entrenched system of terror. To criticize Suu Kyi while downplaying the junta’s crimes distorts reality. 

If there is a failure to hold the military accountable, it is not Suu Kyi’s failure—it is the world’s failure to confront the true perpetrators of Myanmar’s tragedy.

Reevaluating the narrative

It is time to stop using Aung San Suu Kyi as a scapegoat for Myanmar’s suffering. Her critics—many of whom once hailed her as a beacon of hope—owe her more than criticism; they owe her an apology. 

The military junta has always been the primary architect of Myanmar’s oppression. Suu Kyi, though far from a perfect leader, represented the aspirations of millions who dared to dream of freedom. 

To continue vilifying her diminishes the extraordinary resilience of a nation fighting for its dignity.

A call to action

Aung San Suu Kyi’s imprisonment is not just a personal tragedy—it is a profound injustice and a betrayal of democracy itself. Her detainment symbolizes the suffocation of a nation’s hopes. 

The global community must do more than demand her release; it must confront the smear campaign that has unfairly tarnished her legacy.

Let history judge Suu Kyi for what she truly is: a courageous leader who navigated impossible circumstances, a flawed yet defiant symbol of her people’s struggle, and a voice for reconciliation in a nation fractured by decades of terror.

The call is clear: #FreeAungSanSuuKyi and hold the true villains—the junta—accountable for their crimes.


Alan Clements is an author, investigative journalist, and former Buddhist monk ordained in Myanmar, where he lived for years immersed in the country’s spiritual and political landscapes. He is the author of Burma: The Next Killing Fields? and The Voice of Hope, co-authored with Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as the four-volume Burma’s Voices of Freedom and Aung San Suu Kyi From Prison and a Letter to a Dictator. His decades-long work focuses on Myanmar’s ongoing struggle for democracy, human rights, and spiritual resilience.

Fergus Harlow is a writer, scholar, and human rights advocate. He co-authored Burma’s Voices of Freedom and Aung San Suu Kyi From Prison and a Letter to a Dictator, providing an in-depth exploration of Myanmar’s political crises and the resilience of its people. Harlow’s work centers on the intersections of democracy, spirituality, and global human rights.

DVB publishes a diversity of opinions that does not reflect DVB editorial policy. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our stories: [email protected]

Vietnam offers to host peace talks on Myanmar crisis; Thailand says its ‘not to blame’ for cyber scam operations

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Vietnam’s Prime Minister Phạm Minh Chính talks with UN Special Envoy on Myanmar Julie Bishop in Davos, Switzerland on Jan. 22. (Credit: Viet Nam News)

Vietnam offers to host peace talks on Myanmar crisis

Vietnam state media reported that Prime Minister Phạm Minh Chính offered his country as a potential diplomatic bridge for Burma’s crisis, which has engulfed the nation and has crippled the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) since the 2021 military coup. Vietnam’s Prime Minister met with U.N. Special Envoy Julie Bishop at the 55th World Economic Forum (WEF) in Davos, Switzerland on Wednesday

“Việt Nam opposed embargo measures that negatively impact the lives of the Myanmar people and the Myanmar issue must be resolved by the Myanmar people themselves, through agreement, compromise, and the involvement of all relevant parties,” Vietnam News reported Prime Minister Phạm Minh Chính as saying at the WEF.

He told Bishop that Vietnam was committed to facilitating dialogue among stakeholders in Burma to help stabilize the country. Bishop reportedly welcomed the proposal and pledged to collaborate further with ASEAN to achieve this. The U.S. government sanctioned Mytel, a joint venture between the military and Vietnam’s Viettel, on Jan. 6

Bangkok says its ‘not to blame’ for cyber scam operations

Thailand’s Deputy Prime Minister and Defense Minister Phumtham Wechayachai has rejected claims made by the regime in Naypyidaw that Bangkok is partly to blame for the proliferation of online scam operations along the Burma-Thai border, saying that “the problem is a complicated matter that concerns multiple parties.”

“I don’t understand why it is so extremely difficult for the [Provincial Electricity Authority] to take action. How shameful it is to have the Myanmar media saying that Thailand, as the supplier of energy [for the scam hubs], is supporting the crimes.” said Rangsiman Rome, the chairperson of Thailand’s House Committee on State Security, Border Affairs, National Strategy and Reform.

Regime media reported on Jan. 20 that electricity and internet to cyber scam operations in Karen State’s Shwe Kokko, located 16 miles (25 km) north of Myawaddy town across the border from Thailand’s Tak Province, comes from “other countries.” Myawaddy Township is adjacent to Mae Sot, Thailand and 140 miles (225 km) east of the state capital Hpa-An. 

Ma Thida is a Burmese medical doctor, writer, human rights activist and former prisoner of conscience. She spoke to DVB on Jan. 24. (Credit: PEN Transmissions)

Ma Thida on Myanmar’s struggle for democracy from 2011-23

Ma Thida is a medical doctor, writer, human rights activist and former prisoner of conscience. She founded and served until 2016 as president of PEN Myanmar, whose mission includes monitoring issues related to freedom of expression, developing a culture of literature in Myanmar, and making it a part of the country’s educational curriculum. 

“We were all thinking we were on the road to democracy. And whatever the obstacle is or blocking us, we will overcome it. But during the past decades, we were a little bit confused. We are still on the road to democracy. But after the 2021 coup attempt, a lot of people started saying, it’s [a] U-turn,” Ma Thida told DVB. “We were at some point from point A to point B, and then back to point A, that means the U-turn.” 

Ma Thida is the author of the book A-Maze: Myanmar’s Struggle for Democracy, 2011-2023. Read an excerpt from her new book on our website. Watch DVB Newsroom on DVB English News YouTube or Spotify. It’s also available to listen to on Apple Podcasts, YouTube Music, Audible, Amazon Music, or wherever you get podcasts.

News by Region 

ARAKAN—Fortify Rights responded to the Arakan Army (AA) admission of guilt in executing two prisoners of war, calling for details on the actions it has taken against those responsible, and for it to cooperate with international justice mechanisms. The group published leaked videos allegedly showing AA members cutting the throats of two prisoners of war.

“It’s not enough to merely say that the perpetrators have been punished. The AA must be transparent about who was held accountable, what actions were taken, and share this information with international investigators without delay,” said Ejaz Min Khant, a human rights associate at Fortify Rights. 

SHAN—The Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) claimed that two people were killed and more than 20 others were injured by airstrikes carried out by the Burma Air Force on a public hospital in Kyaukme, northern Shan State, on Saturday. Kyaukme is located 68 miles (109 km) southwest of the regional capital Lashio and 107 miles (172 km) east of Mandalay. It came under TNLA control on Aug. 5.  

“The military intentionally targets the hospital where people receive medical treatment. One of the rooms inside the hospital was destroyed and two women, including a nurse, were killed instantly. The authorities shut down the area after recovering the bodies,” a Kyaukme resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity. The 150-bed hospital was built in 1967 and has been run by the TNLA since it took control of the town. 

(Exchange rate: $1 USD = 4,600 MMK)

Read: How China’s plan to seize Taiwan depends on Myanmar. Find DVB English News on X, Facebook, Instagram, Threads & TikTok. Subscribe to us on YouTube.

Min Maw Kun film fundraiser to assist Myanmar refugees

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Myanmar Academy Award winning actor Min Maw Kun at Chiang Mai University (CMU) Communications Innovation Center (CIC) for a film fundraising event on Jan. 20. (Credit: DVB)

Myanmar Academy Award winning actor Min Maw Kun helped host a film fundraiser for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Chiang Mai, Thailand on Jan. 20. The Myanmar language films “Wide Awake” and “Together” were screened at Chiang Mai University, which shone a spotlight on the resistance to the 2021 military coup. Organizers told DVB that the event raised nearly 28 million Myanmar kyats, or $6,034 USD. Check out photos of the film fundraiser here.

Myanmar military drone strike on Kachin Independence Army headquarters of Laiza

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A Myanmar military armored vehicle is inspected by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) after it seized the Armored Battalion in Bhamo, Kachin State, on Jan. 24. (Credit: Kachin News Group)

The military carried out a drone strike on Laiza, a Myanmar-China border town known as the headquarters of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), in Kachin State on Friday. Laiza is located 71 miles (114 km) south of the Kachin State capital Myitkyina.

Laiza residents told DVB that two attacks happened after news spread on social media that the KIA seized an Armored Battalion in Bhamo, located 59 miles (94 km) south of the KIA headquarters in Laiza.

“One of the bombs landed over the Myitkyina Hotel in the town. Luckily nobody was injured but some parts of the building was damaged,” another Laiza resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity. 

The KIA and its allied resistance forces launched an offensive to take the southern Kachin city of Bhamo on Dec. 4. The Kachin News Group (KNG) reported that the KIA seized an Armored Battalion, including four armored vehicles and a captain, in Bhamo on Jan. 24. 

A source close to the KIA told KNG that fighting with the Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 47 and the No. 12 Operation Command Headquarters is ongoing in southern Kachin State. 

“KIA forces circled those two [military outposts] and cut off all resources like food and water,” a source close to the KIA told KNG.

The KIA seized control of Mansi, 71 miles (114 km) south of Laiza and 133 miles (214 km) south of Myitkyina, on Jan. 8. It launched its statewide offensive against the regime on March 7.

Mogok residents complain about forced recruitment by the Ta’ang National Liberation Army in Mandalay Region

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A graduation ceremony for new recruits held by the Ta’ang National Liberation Army at an undisclosed location in northern Shan State on Nov. 13. (Credit: TNLA)

Residents of Mogok Township in northern Mandalay Region told DVB that they have been facing forced recruitment by the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) in villages home to the ethnic Palaung (Ta’ang) nationality. Mogok is located 129 miles (207 km) northeast of the city of Mandalay.

The TNLA and the Mandalay People’s Defense Force (MPDF) took control of Mogok, which is famed for its ruby mines, on July 24

“We have been told that If we have children, one of them must join the [TNLA]. If the children are away, parents must go instead of them no matter their age. Later, the children can switch places with their parents,” a Mogok resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity. 

Residents added that the TNLA began forced recruitment in the third week of January at Painpyit, Bawlongyi, and other nearby villages around Mogok. They have been told that one person per household must join the ethnic armed group. 

“It is difficult for the households which have elders. [TNLA] demands even from households where there are only two persons. We can’t even make a living because of the fighting but they are not listening,” another Mogok resident told DVB. 

The TNLA spokesperson Lway Yay Oo told DVB that one person per household must join as new recruits or face action, although she did not elaborate further. Some residents report that homes of those who evade service in the TNLA have been boarded up.

But Lway Yay Oo explained that this was done to protect families’ homes from “thieves.” She added that complaints can be made directly to TNLA officials if its members mistreat civilians. 

The TNLA began recruiting in at least six villages around Mogok last July, after it seized control of the town. These are the second reports from Mogok residents that the TNLA has begun forced recruitment among the civilian population.

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