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The end of the settlement: Yangon squat clearances uproot thousands

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A life’s worth of possessions are stacked in a heap on the ground. The owner of the ragged parcels, U Maw, looks in the other direction, at an imposing pile of timber that once was his home.

Yesterday morning, as soldiers looked on—fingers aching towards their triggers—U Maw had been forced to destroy what he once built on this land by his own labor. Around him, neighboring families had been ordered to deconstruct their homes, piece by piece, by themselves.

“We have no choice but to destroy the things that we built with our own hands. Otherwise the soldiers will destroy everything, and that will make everything useless,” U Maw said, despairingly.

On October 25, the Township General Administration Department of the Southern District of Yangon ordered the removal of businesses and settlements beside the Dagon-Thilawa Road. Three days later, approximately 100 people, including municipal leaders and armed security forces, arrived at the site, ready to perform a total clearance.

The eviction ran from 7 a.m. to 5 p.m., soldiers ripping apart the settlement’s famous dry food stores, slowly tearing down every obstacle in their path until they reached Kalawal village on the banks of the Bago River.

The morning of October 28 was an historic tragedy which had been long-delayed for Yangon’s squatters, an understated humanitarian disaster in Burma’s most developed urban area.

Whilst troops were beginning the destruction of Thanlyin’s settlements, a similar scene was already underway on the other side of town. 

To the north, in Hlaingtharyar, security forces had earlier closed the two arterial Bayintnaung Bridges that connect the township to central Yangon, leading to a huge backlog of trucks and cars blocking roads into Hlaing.

“There are between 7,000 and 8,000 squatters along the Yangon-Pathein highway, and half of them are moving this morning as a force of soldiers, police, members of YCDC [Yangon City Development Committee], and plainclothes security forces have arrived,” said a local man supporting the squatters. 

Military trucks entered Hlaingtharyar at around 6.30 a.m. yesterday morning, in tow: two bulldozers and some expectant prison vans.

“On seeing the convoy, some took their belongings; some even took pieces of their home,” the local man said.

“However, most of those moving were the wealthier few whose businesses had been doing alright; the working class residents didn’t leave. When I asked them what they would do, they said that they’d have to settle another empty plot because they’re unable to afford rent, and have nobody to go to for help,” he said.

The settlers from both sides of Yangon were moving following an ultimatum delivered by the military just three days previously. 

Settlements being torn down in Hlaingtharyar, north Yangon, yesterday

Despite the settlements hosting both homes and well-established small businesses for decades, the junta announced on October 25 that it was to demolish all homes. On the day of the announcement, 70 people were taken into temporary custody in Hlaingtharyar after protesting the order.

When troops returned, resistance was muted. 

“​​I believe the police and military had guns, most were threatened with detainment if they didn’t comply… Though it seems they are willing to do worse,” said one foreign social worker who had arranged transport for those fleeing the clearances.

“We had a small team […] taking lists of those who wanted to go to their hometowns and those who wanted to be moved to another location. However the volume is much much larger than we anticipated, originally we were told 100-150 people, then 1000-2000. Now there is a possibility of 20,000 in total, according to a contact.”

She told DVB that, due to the presence of troops, it had been too dangerous to transport those leaving yesterday. Her group will now ferry settlers today and into the weekend, “before the Tatmadaw burns everything”.

Whilst soldiers intimated those in Hlaingtharyar, a similar scene was unfolding in Thanlyin.

“The soldiers ordered us to sign an eviction notice, if not they said they will shoot us,” U Maw said.  

“Nobody dares to go against them as they carry weapons. I just had to watch them tear down the tents with bulldozers,” he added. 

 “They didn’t want anyone to take photos of the eviction, and it is still going on,” added a local Red Cross Society member. 

The Dagon-Thilawa Road settlements, Thanlyin, before the clearance

Like U Maw, a majority of the squatters with no place to go have congregated by the side of the road, watching others depart.

Established by the SLORC in 1998 as a resettlement for 300,000 migratory inhabitants of Yangon’s Downtown area, the settlements on the Yangon-Pathein Road also hosted thousands of people who fled the Ayeyarwady delta region following 2008’s Cyclone Nargis.

Under the NLD government, more than 250,000 squatter households had been issued resident certificates for Yangon Region, and plans were well underway to allow them to eventually get access to low-income housing.

Similarly, over 200 households have been located beside the No.2 Thanlyin Road for almost a decade, many of whom run small businesses; over 50 well-known dry food stores, fuel shops, and tea, coffee, and palm wine sellers lined the road, a source of both shelter and sustenance for local farm laborers from the surrounding fields of Thanlyin. Residents had made an agreement with Hluttaw representatives that they believed allowed them to stay.

Only now, with a dominant and unaccountable military rule over the land—held in the name of the state and military-backed landowners—have clearances become a reality.  

“Now it is all gone. They cut down the foundations of homes and destroyed everything: the place is empty now. Some people who have no place to go, like us, are sitting by the road with their belongings. I don’t know what to do,” said U Hla Htay, one of those now searching for a new beginning.

Pro-military rallies once again bolstered with paid stooges, witnesses say

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Two independent sources confirmed yesterday that a majority of recent pro-military protestors in a number of towns were paid by the military to attend rallies that were held on Monday. 

On October 25, pro-military rallies took place close to military bases in towns including Myitkyina and Putao in Kachin, in Pyin Oo Lwin, Madara, and Meiktila in Mandalay, as well as in Yangon, Naypyidaw, Lashio, Pathein, and Mawlamyine.

The protests come as tensions festering between those for and against Burma’s military institution have spilled out into open warfare, and when the eyes of Southeast Asia have fallen back upon Burma following the start of the ASEAN Summit.

One source, who preferred to remain anonymous to preserve the contingency of his activism work, said that, between 7 and 9 a.m., protests erupted in Aye Mya Tharyar ward and Panmatti village in Myitkyina. He says that the majority of protestors, if not all, were paid anywhere from K5,000 to K10,000 (US$2.8 – 5.6).

“It’s estimated that around 300 participated in the march, but bystanders dared not say anything, because it was held inside the military headquarters,” he said. “They chanted the slogans: ‘We don’t need UN support, who supports OIC,’ ‘We don’t want ASEAN,’ ‘Oppose the NUG and CRPH rioters, ‘oppose PDF, and ‘Myanmar military is our army.’”

In Kachin, the anonymous activist says the junta also played on ethnic tensions to bolster their numbers, noting that protests also consisted of those from Lisu and Shanni groups (some of whose leaders are strongly sympathetic to the military), Ma Ba Tha, the ultra-orthodox Buddhist group, and families of military personnel, who he says were ordered to attend. He added that this is not the first time the military has played on the tensions between the Lisu and Shanni People’s Army and the local Kachin Independence Army. 

“They have a feeling about the KIA, as they got arrested by the KIA and accused the KIA of asking for money,” the anonymous activist said. “By using those feelings, the Tatmadaw formed the Shanni People’s Army and Lisu People’s Army.”

Similar trends were reported in Pathein, where three-day rallies slowly garnered participants from October 25 to 27, peaking at 90 people on the second day, but falling to a mere 40 by October 27. 

Human rights activist U Tun Tun Oo reported that the majority of protestors in Pathein were recruited from the working class and poorer wards, with some offered up to K15,000 to participate. Despite trying to keep a safe distance from the protests himself, the activist says he could verify this through being in constant communication with those with pro-military allies.

“They are protesting, but look insecure. The pro-military protesters in Pathein were clearly either people who were out of money, informants (dalan), or members of the army. There really are not many people who support the military,” he said, echoing the theory that the protests were orchestrated to demonstrate alleged military support.

“In addition, these pro-military protests came across the country after the ASEAN’s meeting, which did not invite the junta leader to attend the summit,” he said, noting the suspicious trend of pro-military rallies appearing at times that the military feels insecure. 

Another anonymous source said that the military had used a similar tactic in other regions, paying up to K10,000 to people—largely those with low education and literacy levels—that soldiers had gathered.

Such bribery is certainly not a new tactic, and is reminiscent of junta-backed protests immediately following the coup, where protestors admitted to participating for between K2,000 and K10,000. After protests in many towns turned lethal, many others said that they had received orders, and in some cases weaponry, to cause violence towards pro-democracy protesters.

Appeal for Action

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OxyFeature

As editor in chief of one of the few remaining independent media organizations, we collect, check and spread the news about Burma. Through various credible contacts inside the military-ruled country, I receive heartbreaking messages about Covid-19 every day, which I think the international community ought to react to as an immediate urgency. One might ask why so alarming as every country around the world is facing the Covid-19 pandemic, but the case in Burma is different.

News of the deaths of close family, of best friends, of relatives, is no longer considered news at all. Loved ones failing in their desperate attempts to find oxygen, similarly, is no longer news. Families spending household savings to purchase faulty concentrators or overpriced and ineffective medicines; no longer news. The hundreds of deceased being cremated daily, the dark smoke of death lingering over Yangon both day and night; not news. The virus has spread across all layers of Burma’s society, indiscriminate and ruthless. Even the last of the frontline medical workers, not yet persecuted by the junta, are falling prey to Covid-19.

Since February’s coup, state hospitals will not admit a patient without “status” or a “connection” to the military nexus: even officers and their families have been denied treatment on arrival. Out of lack of resources or fear of reprisals, private hospitals have chosen to ignore the majority of patients, those lucky enough to find a bed have only been admitted under the proviso they bring their own supply of oxygen. As a result, people of all degrees of wealth, rank, and status have resorted to treating loved ones at home, with whatever medicine and equipment they can obtain, out of pure necessity.

Desperate for a cure, the Burmese people turned to Facebook for ‘magic solutions’. Social media is ablaze with all kinds of witchcraft and quackery, with endless posts containing well-repeated hearsay on topics ranging from techniques to save a life, to methods of increasing bodily oxygen levels, or potions that, once ingested, will certainly, remove the coronavirus. It is in no way strange to read such advice as inhaling the fumes of a hair-dryer to boost oxygen levels or to chew raw onion (three times a day) whilst absorbing the virus nullifying heat into one’s lungs.

We have tried hard to dispel these myths through our work, releasing broadcasts countering popular misconceptions and interviewing medical professionals to improve access to useful and correct knowledge. The examples above may sound preposterous to outsiders, but millions of Burmese, out of hope and desperate, have found refuge in such information.

Importantly, Burma has reached a point of total nihilism with regard to coronavirus facts and figures. The junta lacks the bandwidth, and certainly the motive, to promote data that in any way resembles realities on the ground. We receive anecdotal data from burial grounds, funeral services, and organizations thanklessly working to contain the outbreak. But, similarly, all this provides is rumour and numbers. The hard fact is that every single day, the news of many more dead and infected reaches us through the experiences of our households, our relatives, and our friends. And this news is always the most immediate. The experience of being so perpetually surrounded by death is hard to convey.

The whole world is vocally struggling to curb the spread of Covid-19. But, in the case of Burma, the people have been made voiceless. Our experience tells us that the military regime is either intentionally removing the last lifelines of help available to the Burmese people to quell challenges to their rule, or is woefully lacking in will and capacity to manage a crisis of their proportion. Before the February coup, Yangon had close to 20 well-functioning Covid-19 treatment centers. Now there are four, all essentially being left to fail, turning back almost all those who need life-saving attention. The military, whose targeting of medical professionals is well documented, has cornered itself. Instead of building emergency treatment centers and field hospitals, the regime is investing heavily in crematoriums.

Very soon, they recently announced, Yangon’s funeral pyres will have the capacity to cremate 3,000 corpses a day.

Burma needs immediate humanitarian intervention from the international community more than any time before. Burma desperately needs your attention and help now.

Aye Chan Naing

Chief Editor (DVB)

1st August 2021

Photos – MPA

How Retailers Can Cut Emissions

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When you need your company to have a new website or if you venture on updating your old webpage with a new look and functionality, the choices are versatile. Assuming that you will go the easy way and choose a theme for your WordPress website, the overall number of characteristics that you will need to keep in mind narrows down significantly.

All the WordPress themes that we have here have had a vast team of professional designers sketching, working and executing the ultimate visual look for it. With such a wide range of choices at hand, we strongly advise you to stick to the WordPress Theme that is based on your business’ or a closely related field.

I’m as proud of many of the things we haven’t done as the things we have done.EMMA DOE, Company CEO

When you need your company to have a new website or if you venture on updating your old webpage with a new look and functionality, the choices are versatile. Assuming that you will go the easy way and choose a theme for your WordPress website, the overall number of characteristics that you will need to keep in mind narrows down significantly. Often searching out the graphical symmetry in chaos, while still maintaining the personality and emotion of the subject. The excitement and anticipation as we waited to see the next piece of unpredictable chaos was electric.

How jet fuel enables the Myanmar military to continue its airstrikes

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A protest calling for a ban on jet fuel exports to the military was held in Monywa Township, Sagaing Region, on March 13, 2024. (Credit: People's Strike Steering Committee)

Guest contributor

Antonio Graceffo  

On May 12, the Myanmar Air Force bombed a school in central Sagaing Region, near the epicenter of the recent earthquake, killing as many as 20 students and two teachers.

These attacks are part of a broader campaign that saw over 4,000 airstrikes in the first three years since the 2021 Myanmar military coup—and now, in year four, the pace is only accelerating.

Between March and April, the regime launched at least 140 air strikes, including areas devastated by the March 28 earthquake such as Sagaing and Mandalay regions. 

Air superiority has allowed the junta, which seized power in 2021, to maintain its grip on power, despite losing ground to resistance forces over the last four years. 

The junta continues to obstruct any path to peace, even as it publicly agreed to observe a ceasefire for post-quake humanitarian relief since April 2. 

A 7.7-magnitude quake struck central Myanmar, killing over 3,600 people and injuring more than 5,000. Survivors now face the added trauma of ongoing airstrikes, which have been the single most destructive force in terms of producing casualties and destroying buildings—homes, schools, hospitals, temples, and churches. 

They are also the one weapon the junta possesses that the resistance has no counter for. Only the junta has aircraft. Resistance forces now control most of the country, with the exception of the largest cities and state capitals, but victory remains elusive. 

The war threatens to drag on indefinitely because of the junta’s air superiority. The U.S. and many allied Western nations have imposed sanctions on the junta, including restrictions on jet fuel. 

However, despite these measures, the junta continues to receive steady supplies. In an interview with TaiwanPlus, Mark Farmaner of Burma Campaign UK explained that this is largely due to the failure of sanctions to target international suppliers.

“The Myanmar military doesn’t have the ability to manufacture its own jet fuel,” said Farmaner. “We have Chinese and Vietnamese companies—shipping and fuel firms—involved in the supply indirectly.” 

While Western governments have issued statements claiming to restrict aviation fuel, Farmaner criticized them for only sanctioning a few Myanmar-based entities. “They haven’t sanctioned any of the international suppliers yet,” he added.

The consequences of this loophole are dire. “More than four million people have been forced to flee their homes because of airstrikes or conflict,” said Farmaner. 

While the bombings themselves are deadly, he emphasized that the indirect effects, lack of shelter, food, and healthcare, can be just as fatal. These conditions grew even worse after the earthquake struck regions already devastated by war. 

Before the quake, more than 20 million people, one-third of Myanmar’s population, were in need of humanitarian aid due to conflict, economic collapse, and ongoing displacement. Now, over six million people in the quake zone, including two million children, face what the World Health Organization (WHO) calls “an emergency within an emergency.” 

Airstrikes continue to destroy homes, hospitals, and shelters, while the earthquake has further damaged fragile infrastructure, leaving communities without safe water, sanitation, or medical care. 

With healthcare facilities overwhelmed, medical supplies running low, and the monsoon season arriving, the risk of disease outbreaks is growing. As international aid remains limited and jet fuel continues to reach the junta, Myanmar’s civilians are left exposed to the compounding threats of war and disaster.

The National Unity Government (NUG), the democratic government in exile, along with international human rights organizations, has called for a total embargo on jet fuel sales to the country. 

However, according to Farmaner, the global community continues to hesitate, fearing that a blanket prohibition could further damage Myanmar’s already fragile civilian economy. In response to these concerns, civil society groups and campaigns like Blood Money Campaign argue that the risk is justified. 

“We know from past experience that even when jet fuel is delivered for civilian use, the military can take it,” said Farmaner. “So the only way to cut off the supply of jet fuel to the military is to cut off supply of jet fuel to Myanmar itself.”

Western hesitation, he argued, is misplaced. “One of the reasons they give is, ‘Oh, we’re worried about the economic impact.’ But this is a decision for the people of Myanmar to make,” he said. 

“This is the people in the country who are suffering from the airstrikes saying, we need you to do this. Because without the jet fuel, the jets can’t fly. And if the jets can’t fly, they can’t bomb.”

Enforcement of international sanctions remains weak. The junta continues to access aviation fuel due to inadequate monitoring, loopholes, and insufficient international action. The junta has seized control of the national budget and exploited natural resource revenues to fund military operations, including the purchase of aviation fuel and equipment used to suppress civilians.

Much of the junta’s fuel is Jet A-1—the same type used in civilian aviation, which the junta diverts from civilian shipments. At the center of the junta’s fuel supply chain is the Myanma Petrochemical Enterprise (MPE), a state-owned entity under the Ministry of Energy, which oversees the import, storage, and distribution of jet fuel. 

MPE works with crony conglomerates like Asia Sun Group, which has served as the military’s main commercial fuel importer. 

Amnesty International documented at least three shipments of aviation fuel to Myanmar between January and June 2024, continuing a pattern seen throughout 2023, despite international sanctions and repeated calls to cut off the junta’s access. 

The shipments arrived at Yangon’s Thilawa Port, now under junta control, via complex supply chains involving multiple sales and offshore transfers. Fuel was routed through Vietnam, Singapore, the UAE, and China, with the Chinese-owned tanker HUITONG78 playing a central role. 

Companies involved included Sahara Energy, CNOOC Singapore, and Royal Vopak. These types of transactions frequently pass through member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, underscoring the role of ASEAN in enabling the junta through inaction.

At least five British insurance firms have underwritten sanctioned deliveries to Myanmar’s MPE and Asia Sun, facilitating the junta’s access to aviation fuel. The U.K. government could easily prevent its insurers from supporting sanctioned oil trades, as it did to enforce the G7’s $60 USD per barrel price cap on Russian crude. 

This enforcement included blacklisting vessels and insurers involved in circumventing sanctions, thereby restricting their access to U.K.-based insurance services. 

Applying similar measures, the U.K. could prohibit domestic insurers from underwriting entities linked to Myanmar’s military, leveraging its regulatory authority to close financial loopholes and uphold international sanctions.

Meanwhile, China’s state-owned Aviation Industry Corporation of China (AVIC) continues supplying the Myanmar military with fighter jets and transport aircraft, including the JF-17, FTC-2000G, and Y-8.

Justice for Myanmar has confirmed that at least five AVIC aircraft types have been used in junta airstrikes. Although some investors have pulled out of AVIC, Airbus, partially owned by France, Spain, and Germany, still holds equity in the company and has even expanded its partnerships. 

The fact that Western nations, particularly E.U. member states actively enabling the junta is deeply troubling. If both the E.U. and ASEAN are facilitating the regime’s operations, the question remains: who will stop them?

To end this cycle, Blood Money Campaign and Justice for Myanmar urge the global community to act decisively. The U.S. must fully enforce jet fuel sanctions, while other governments must strengthen measures to dismantle the junta’s supply network. 

This includes implementing robust monitoring mechanisms, exposing intermediaries, and holding accountable fuel traders, insurers, shippers, and aerospace firms. All direct and indirect relationships with MPE and Asia Sun must end.

European governments must also pressure Airbus to use its influence to cut military ties with AVIC and halt all current and future aircraft transfers. The U.S., E.U., and ASEAN must move quickly to shut down logistical hubs in Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam, and China, and enforce strict end-user certification at every level.


Antonio Graceffo, PhD, holds advanced degrees in economics and national security. A graduate of American Military University, he has spent more than 20 years in Asia, contributing to think tanks and international media. 

DVB publishes a diversity of opinions that does not reflect DVB editorial policy. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our stories: [email protected]

International condemnation mounts over deadly airstrike on school in Sagaing Region

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Students' belongings, including school bags and blood-stained clothes, lie scattered outside of the school in Ohteintwin village of Depayin Township, Sagaing Region, after an airstrike killed at least 22 on May 12. (Credit: Depayin Administration Team)

The international community has condemned the May 12 attack on a school that killed at least 20 children under age 18, and two teachers, in Ohteintwin village of Depayin Township, Sagaing Region. Depayin is located 40 miles (64 km) north of the Sagaing Region capital Monywa.

“Even in times of armed conflict, schools must be protected,” said Stéphane Dujarric, the spokesperson for U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres. 

The Myanmar military, which seized power after the 2021 coup, has denied responsibility for the attack. It claims that it does not attack “non-military targets.”

“On many occasions, the Myanmar military has targeted schools. There have been a countless number of attacks over the last four years that have impacted schools, hospitals, religious sites, all of which receive special protection under international humanitarian law and should not be targeted,” James Rodehaver, the chief of the U.N. Human Rights Myanmar team, told DVB.

The U.S. stated that it was “deeply disturbed” by the attack. “The reported airstrike violates the military regime’s announced ceasefire. We call on the regime to cease violence and engage in dialogue with opposition groups to end the crisis,” said Tammy Bruce, the spokesperson for the U.S. Department of State.

Following the devastating March 28 earthquake, the regime in Naypyidaw announced a unilateral ceasefire April 2-30. Despite a lapse during the first five days of the month, it was renewed May 6-31. 

“We are horrified over reports of a massacre in a village school in Sagaing [Region]. Perpetrators must be held accountable for this atrocity,” Anitta Hipper, the lead spokesperson for foreign affairs and security policy of the E.U., shared on social media May 14.

“Australia is deeply concerned by reports that a school has been hit by a regime airstrike. We condemn this attack and call on the regime to engage in inclusive dialogue and adhere to its ceasefire commitment,” the Australia Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade shared to social media on May 16.

Canada expressed it was “alarmed by the military airstrike,” and urged “the Myanmar military regime to immediately de-escalate violence, protect civilians, and respect international law.”

At least 456 people have been killed and 995 have been injured in 663 air and artillery strikes since March 28 with 524 carried out by regime forces since its ceasefire began on April 2, according to DVB data.

Three days of intense airstrikes kills 22 civilians in Chin and Rakhine states

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A funeral was held for the two killed by an airstrike in Mindat Township, southern Chinland, on May 15. (credit: Mindat Administration Team)

At least 22 civilians were killed and 48 were injured by airstrikes on Chinland and neighboring Arakan State in western Myanmar May 13-15, according to residents and resistance groups.

“The regime has suffered heavy losses on the ground, so they retaliate with airstrikes targeting civilians out of vengeance,” Salai Yaw Man, the spokesperson for the Chin Brotherhood, told DVB. 

Two people, including a 13-year-old, were killed when the Myanmar Air Force carried out an airstrike on a village near Mindat, in southern Chinland, on May 15. Mindat, located 72 miles (116 km) south of the state capital Hakha, has been under the control of the Chin Brotherhood since December.

“These airstrikes are part of a wider pattern we’re seeing across Myanmar. Success [for resistance groups] on-the-ground doesn’t translate into peace, because air power continues to devastate civilian populations,” Richard Horsey, the senior Myanmar adviser at International Crisis Group, told DVB.

The strike caused extensive damage to over 40 homes and a school, according to Mindat residents. Salai Yaw Man said that the town has been bombed 13 times since January. He added the regime has been deliberately targeting the 16 towns held by the Chin resistance, which also controls the Myanmar-India border town of Rikhawdar.

The latest town to come under resistance control was Falam, located 68 miles (109 km) north of Hakha, on April 8. The Chin resistance has now set its sights on seizing the three remaining towns under regime control; Hakha, Thantlang and Tedim. 

Paletwa Township, 287 miles (461 km) southwest of Hakha, came under Arakan Army (AA) control in January 2024 after it launched an offensive in Arakan and southern Chinland on Nov. 13, 2023

Twenty civilians were killed and 37 were injured by airstrikes May 13-15 in Rathedaung and Kyauktaw townships, according to residents. 

Rathedaung and Kyauktaw are located 40-60 miles (64-96 km) north of the Arakan State capital Sittwe. The two townships were seized by the AA in February and March 2024. 

Twelve people were killed in Rathedaung on May 15 and eight others died in Kyauktaw May 14-15.

Fourteen of 17 townships in Arakan are under AA control. Sittwe, Kyaukphyu and Manaung remain under regime control. The AA expanded its offensive into neighbouring Ayeyarwady, Bago and Magway regions in December.

Since the devastating March 28 earthquake, at least 456 people have been killed and 995 have been injured in 663 air and artillery strikes carried out by regime forces nationwide with 524 of them since its ceasefire began on April 2, according to DVB data.

“What my office is doing is tracking these attacks very carefully and trying to utilize the data in order to urge parties on the ground to take more measures to protect civilians and also to do public advocacy so people know that these attacks are happening, who is responsible for them, and most importantly, to show that the ceasefire that has been declared is no ceasefire at all,” James Rodehaver, the chief of the U.N. Human Rights Myanmar team, told DVB.

The AA, along with its Brotherhood Alliance co-members the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), declared a unilateral one-month ceasefire on March 30, which was extended from April 30 up to May 31 to allow earthquake relief to continue unhindered.

Despite the ceasefire pledge, 20 children under age 18 and two teachers in their 20s were killed by an airstrike at a school operated by the National Unity Government (NUG) in Ohteintwin Village of Depayin Township, Sagaing Region, on May 12. Depayin is located approximately 40 miles (64 km) north of the regional capital Monywa.

“On many occasions, the Myanmar military has targeted schools. There have been a countless number of attacks over the last four years that have impacted schools, hospitals, religious sites, all of which receive special protection under international humanitarian law and should not be targeted by military forces,” Rodehaver added.

Thai construction tycoon and 14 others surrender to police over fatal Bangkok tower collapse

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Rescue workers at the site of a high-rise building that collapsed following the March 28 earthquake in Bangkok, Thailand. (Credit: Reuters)

A Thai construction tycoon and 14 others surrendered to police on Friday over a building collapse that killed nearly a hundred workers during a powerful earthquake in March, authorities said.

The partially built 30-storey State Audit Office tower in Bangkok was the only building to collapse from tremors emanating from the powerful 7.7 magnitude quake in neighbouring Myanmar. Rescue teams have recovered 92 bodies during a six week operation from the collapsed site. Four were still missing.

Premchai Karnasuta, president of Italian Thai Development one of Thailand’s largest construction companies, and the 14 other suspects were affiliated with companies responsible for building design and construction, said Metropolitan Police Bureau deputy commissioner Noppasin Poonsawat. They have been accused of negligence and breaching construction regulations.

“Expert assessments revealed that the architectural design did not comply with ministerial regulations or meet the technical standards outlined in the terms of reference,” Noppasin said.

There were also irregularities in construction materials used, including substandard concrete and steel, he said, adding that investigators also discovered forged signatures in engineering documents.

A watchdog organisation flagged days after the quake that corruption may have been involved in the building’s construction. Initial tests of materials gathered at the site in March indicated the presence of substandard steel among the wreckage structure, according to industry ministry officials.

The 15 suspects have been brought to court for pre-trial proceedings and have denied all charges, Noppasin said, while two additional suspects would report to authorities on Monday.

An investigation was still underway over the causes of the collapse, one of the country’s deadliest.

Italian Thai Development has said it is cooperating with authorities.

Premchai was convicted and sentenced to more than three years in jail in 2021 for poaching protected species after he was caught by rangers at a jungle campsite in a wildlife sanctuary with carcasses of protected animals, including a black Indochinese leopard.

REUTERS

Frontline Poets: The literary rebels taking on Myanmar’s military [AUDIO]

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Aung Naing Soe, a journalist and documentary filmmaker from Myanmar, joins the DVB Newsroom to discuss the new book he co-authored with Joe Freeman called Frontline Poets: The literary rebels taking on Myanmar’s military.

Frontline Poets: The literary rebels taking on Myanmar’s military

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Aung Naing Soe, the co-author of Frontline Poets: The literary rebels taking on Myanmar's military, joined the DVB Newsroom on May 8. (Credit: DVB)

Aung Naing Soe, a journalist and documentary filmmaker from Myanmar, joins the DVB Newsroom to discuss the new book he co-authored with Joe Freeman called Frontline Poets: The literary rebels taking on Myanmar’s military.

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