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The end of the settlement: Yangon squat clearances uproot thousands

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A life’s worth of possessions are stacked in a heap on the ground. The owner of the ragged parcels, U Maw, looks in the other direction, at an imposing pile of timber that once was his home.

Yesterday morning, as soldiers looked on—fingers aching towards their triggers—U Maw had been forced to destroy what he once built on this land by his own labor. Around him, neighboring families had been ordered to deconstruct their homes, piece by piece, by themselves.

“We have no choice but to destroy the things that we built with our own hands. Otherwise the soldiers will destroy everything, and that will make everything useless,” U Maw said, despairingly.

On October 25, the Township General Administration Department of the Southern District of Yangon ordered the removal of businesses and settlements beside the Dagon-Thilawa Road. Three days later, approximately 100 people, including municipal leaders and armed security forces, arrived at the site, ready to perform a total clearance.

The eviction ran from 7 a.m. to 5 p.m., soldiers ripping apart the settlement’s famous dry food stores, slowly tearing down every obstacle in their path until they reached Kalawal village on the banks of the Bago River.

The morning of October 28 was an historic tragedy which had been long-delayed for Yangon’s squatters, an understated humanitarian disaster in Burma’s most developed urban area.

Whilst troops were beginning the destruction of Thanlyin’s settlements, a similar scene was already underway on the other side of town. 

To the north, in Hlaingtharyar, security forces had earlier closed the two arterial Bayintnaung Bridges that connect the township to central Yangon, leading to a huge backlog of trucks and cars blocking roads into Hlaing.

“There are between 7,000 and 8,000 squatters along the Yangon-Pathein highway, and half of them are moving this morning as a force of soldiers, police, members of YCDC [Yangon City Development Committee], and plainclothes security forces have arrived,” said a local man supporting the squatters. 

Military trucks entered Hlaingtharyar at around 6.30 a.m. yesterday morning, in tow: two bulldozers and some expectant prison vans.

“On seeing the convoy, some took their belongings; some even took pieces of their home,” the local man said.

“However, most of those moving were the wealthier few whose businesses had been doing alright; the working class residents didn’t leave. When I asked them what they would do, they said that they’d have to settle another empty plot because they’re unable to afford rent, and have nobody to go to for help,” he said.

The settlers from both sides of Yangon were moving following an ultimatum delivered by the military just three days previously. 

Settlements being torn down in Hlaingtharyar, north Yangon, yesterday

Despite the settlements hosting both homes and well-established small businesses for decades, the junta announced on October 25 that it was to demolish all homes. On the day of the announcement, 70 people were taken into temporary custody in Hlaingtharyar after protesting the order.

When troops returned, resistance was muted. 

“​​I believe the police and military had guns, most were threatened with detainment if they didn’t comply… Though it seems they are willing to do worse,” said one foreign social worker who had arranged transport for those fleeing the clearances.

“We had a small team […] taking lists of those who wanted to go to their hometowns and those who wanted to be moved to another location. However the volume is much much larger than we anticipated, originally we were told 100-150 people, then 1000-2000. Now there is a possibility of 20,000 in total, according to a contact.”

She told DVB that, due to the presence of troops, it had been too dangerous to transport those leaving yesterday. Her group will now ferry settlers today and into the weekend, “before the Tatmadaw burns everything”.

Whilst soldiers intimated those in Hlaingtharyar, a similar scene was unfolding in Thanlyin.

“The soldiers ordered us to sign an eviction notice, if not they said they will shoot us,” U Maw said.  

“Nobody dares to go against them as they carry weapons. I just had to watch them tear down the tents with bulldozers,” he added. 

 “They didn’t want anyone to take photos of the eviction, and it is still going on,” added a local Red Cross Society member. 

The Dagon-Thilawa Road settlements, Thanlyin, before the clearance

Like U Maw, a majority of the squatters with no place to go have congregated by the side of the road, watching others depart.

Established by the SLORC in 1998 as a resettlement for 300,000 migratory inhabitants of Yangon’s Downtown area, the settlements on the Yangon-Pathein Road also hosted thousands of people who fled the Ayeyarwady delta region following 2008’s Cyclone Nargis.

Under the NLD government, more than 250,000 squatter households had been issued resident certificates for Yangon Region, and plans were well underway to allow them to eventually get access to low-income housing.

Similarly, over 200 households have been located beside the No.2 Thanlyin Road for almost a decade, many of whom run small businesses; over 50 well-known dry food stores, fuel shops, and tea, coffee, and palm wine sellers lined the road, a source of both shelter and sustenance for local farm laborers from the surrounding fields of Thanlyin. Residents had made an agreement with Hluttaw representatives that they believed allowed them to stay.

Only now, with a dominant and unaccountable military rule over the land—held in the name of the state and military-backed landowners—have clearances become a reality.  

“Now it is all gone. They cut down the foundations of homes and destroyed everything: the place is empty now. Some people who have no place to go, like us, are sitting by the road with their belongings. I don’t know what to do,” said U Hla Htay, one of those now searching for a new beginning.

Pro-military rallies once again bolstered with paid stooges, witnesses say

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Two independent sources confirmed yesterday that a majority of recent pro-military protestors in a number of towns were paid by the military to attend rallies that were held on Monday. 

On October 25, pro-military rallies took place close to military bases in towns including Myitkyina and Putao in Kachin, in Pyin Oo Lwin, Madara, and Meiktila in Mandalay, as well as in Yangon, Naypyidaw, Lashio, Pathein, and Mawlamyine.

The protests come as tensions festering between those for and against Burma’s military institution have spilled out into open warfare, and when the eyes of Southeast Asia have fallen back upon Burma following the start of the ASEAN Summit.

One source, who preferred to remain anonymous to preserve the contingency of his activism work, said that, between 7 and 9 a.m., protests erupted in Aye Mya Tharyar ward and Panmatti village in Myitkyina. He says that the majority of protestors, if not all, were paid anywhere from K5,000 to K10,000 (US$2.8 – 5.6).

“It’s estimated that around 300 participated in the march, but bystanders dared not say anything, because it was held inside the military headquarters,” he said. “They chanted the slogans: ‘We don’t need UN support, who supports OIC,’ ‘We don’t want ASEAN,’ ‘Oppose the NUG and CRPH rioters, ‘oppose PDF, and ‘Myanmar military is our army.’”

In Kachin, the anonymous activist says the junta also played on ethnic tensions to bolster their numbers, noting that protests also consisted of those from Lisu and Shanni groups (some of whose leaders are strongly sympathetic to the military), Ma Ba Tha, the ultra-orthodox Buddhist group, and families of military personnel, who he says were ordered to attend. He added that this is not the first time the military has played on the tensions between the Lisu and Shanni People’s Army and the local Kachin Independence Army. 

“They have a feeling about the KIA, as they got arrested by the KIA and accused the KIA of asking for money,” the anonymous activist said. “By using those feelings, the Tatmadaw formed the Shanni People’s Army and Lisu People’s Army.”

Similar trends were reported in Pathein, where three-day rallies slowly garnered participants from October 25 to 27, peaking at 90 people on the second day, but falling to a mere 40 by October 27. 

Human rights activist U Tun Tun Oo reported that the majority of protestors in Pathein were recruited from the working class and poorer wards, with some offered up to K15,000 to participate. Despite trying to keep a safe distance from the protests himself, the activist says he could verify this through being in constant communication with those with pro-military allies.

“They are protesting, but look insecure. The pro-military protesters in Pathein were clearly either people who were out of money, informants (dalan), or members of the army. There really are not many people who support the military,” he said, echoing the theory that the protests were orchestrated to demonstrate alleged military support.

“In addition, these pro-military protests came across the country after the ASEAN’s meeting, which did not invite the junta leader to attend the summit,” he said, noting the suspicious trend of pro-military rallies appearing at times that the military feels insecure. 

Another anonymous source said that the military had used a similar tactic in other regions, paying up to K10,000 to people—largely those with low education and literacy levels—that soldiers had gathered.

Such bribery is certainly not a new tactic, and is reminiscent of junta-backed protests immediately following the coup, where protestors admitted to participating for between K2,000 and K10,000. After protests in many towns turned lethal, many others said that they had received orders, and in some cases weaponry, to cause violence towards pro-democracy protesters.

Appeal for Action

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OxyFeature

As editor in chief of one of the few remaining independent media organizations, we collect, check and spread the news about Burma. Through various credible contacts inside the military-ruled country, I receive heartbreaking messages about Covid-19 every day, which I think the international community ought to react to as an immediate urgency. One might ask why so alarming as every country around the world is facing the Covid-19 pandemic, but the case in Burma is different.

News of the deaths of close family, of best friends, of relatives, is no longer considered news at all. Loved ones failing in their desperate attempts to find oxygen, similarly, is no longer news. Families spending household savings to purchase faulty concentrators or overpriced and ineffective medicines; no longer news. The hundreds of deceased being cremated daily, the dark smoke of death lingering over Yangon both day and night; not news. The virus has spread across all layers of Burma’s society, indiscriminate and ruthless. Even the last of the frontline medical workers, not yet persecuted by the junta, are falling prey to Covid-19.

Since February’s coup, state hospitals will not admit a patient without “status” or a “connection” to the military nexus: even officers and their families have been denied treatment on arrival. Out of lack of resources or fear of reprisals, private hospitals have chosen to ignore the majority of patients, those lucky enough to find a bed have only been admitted under the proviso they bring their own supply of oxygen. As a result, people of all degrees of wealth, rank, and status have resorted to treating loved ones at home, with whatever medicine and equipment they can obtain, out of pure necessity.

Desperate for a cure, the Burmese people turned to Facebook for ‘magic solutions’. Social media is ablaze with all kinds of witchcraft and quackery, with endless posts containing well-repeated hearsay on topics ranging from techniques to save a life, to methods of increasing bodily oxygen levels, or potions that, once ingested, will certainly, remove the coronavirus. It is in no way strange to read such advice as inhaling the fumes of a hair-dryer to boost oxygen levels or to chew raw onion (three times a day) whilst absorbing the virus nullifying heat into one’s lungs.

We have tried hard to dispel these myths through our work, releasing broadcasts countering popular misconceptions and interviewing medical professionals to improve access to useful and correct knowledge. The examples above may sound preposterous to outsiders, but millions of Burmese, out of hope and desperate, have found refuge in such information.

Importantly, Burma has reached a point of total nihilism with regard to coronavirus facts and figures. The junta lacks the bandwidth, and certainly the motive, to promote data that in any way resembles realities on the ground. We receive anecdotal data from burial grounds, funeral services, and organizations thanklessly working to contain the outbreak. But, similarly, all this provides is rumour and numbers. The hard fact is that every single day, the news of many more dead and infected reaches us through the experiences of our households, our relatives, and our friends. And this news is always the most immediate. The experience of being so perpetually surrounded by death is hard to convey.

The whole world is vocally struggling to curb the spread of Covid-19. But, in the case of Burma, the people have been made voiceless. Our experience tells us that the military regime is either intentionally removing the last lifelines of help available to the Burmese people to quell challenges to their rule, or is woefully lacking in will and capacity to manage a crisis of their proportion. Before the February coup, Yangon had close to 20 well-functioning Covid-19 treatment centers. Now there are four, all essentially being left to fail, turning back almost all those who need life-saving attention. The military, whose targeting of medical professionals is well documented, has cornered itself. Instead of building emergency treatment centers and field hospitals, the regime is investing heavily in crematoriums.

Very soon, they recently announced, Yangon’s funeral pyres will have the capacity to cremate 3,000 corpses a day.

Burma needs immediate humanitarian intervention from the international community more than any time before. Burma desperately needs your attention and help now.

Aye Chan Naing

Chief Editor (DVB)

1st August 2021

Photos – MPA

How Retailers Can Cut Emissions

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When you need your company to have a new website or if you venture on updating your old webpage with a new look and functionality, the choices are versatile. Assuming that you will go the easy way and choose a theme for your WordPress website, the overall number of characteristics that you will need to keep in mind narrows down significantly.

All the WordPress themes that we have here have had a vast team of professional designers sketching, working and executing the ultimate visual look for it. With such a wide range of choices at hand, we strongly advise you to stick to the WordPress Theme that is based on your business’ or a closely related field.

I’m as proud of many of the things we haven’t done as the things we have done.EMMA DOE, Company CEO

When you need your company to have a new website or if you venture on updating your old webpage with a new look and functionality, the choices are versatile. Assuming that you will go the easy way and choose a theme for your WordPress website, the overall number of characteristics that you will need to keep in mind narrows down significantly. Often searching out the graphical symmetry in chaos, while still maintaining the personality and emotion of the subject. The excitement and anticipation as we waited to see the next piece of unpredictable chaos was electric.

Six-year-old girl among Myanmar group arrested for killing retired general

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Retired general Cho Tun Aung was killed in Yangon on May 22. He reportedly attended Armed Forces Day in Naypyidaw on March 27, 2025. (Credit: Unknown)

Myanmar’s military has arrested a six-year-old child as part of a group it labelled “terrorists” for the daytime killing of a retired military officer and diplomat last month, regime media reported on Friday.

Cho Htun Aung, 68, a retired brigadier general who also served as an ambassador, was shot dead in Myanmar’s commercial capital of Yangon on May 22, in one of the highest profile assassinations in a country in the throes of a widening civil war.

Myanmar has been in turmoil since the military seized power in a February 2021 coup, overthrowing an elected government led by State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and triggering widespread protests.

The military’s violent crackdown on dissent sparked an unprecedented nationwide uprising. A collection of established ethnic armies and new armed groups have wrested away swathes of territory from the well-armed military, and guerrilla-style fighting has erupted even in urban areas like Yangon.

“A total of 16 offenders – 13 males and three females – were arrested,” regime media reported.

In an accompanying graphic, the newspaper carried the image of the six-year-old child, identified as the daughter of the alleged assassin.

Her face was blurred in an online version of the Global New Light of Myanmar (GNLM) newspaper seen by Reuters, but visible in other social media posts made by regime authorities.

A regime spokesman did not respond to calls seeking comment.

A group calling itself the Golden Valley Warriors said they killed the retired general because of his continued support for military operations, including attacks on civilians, according to a May 22 statement.

The regime claims the group is backed by the National Unity Government (NUG) – a shadow government comprising of remnants of jailed State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyu’s ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) administration that is opposed to the regime – and paid an assassin some 200,000 MMK ($95.52 USD) for a killing, regime media GNLM reported.

NUG spokesperson Nay Phone Latt denied his government had made any such payments. “It is not true that we are paying people to kill other people,” he told Reuters.

Since the 2021 coup, Myanmar’s military has arrested over 29,000 people, including more than 6,000 women and 600 children, according to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (AAPP).

Fatalities among civilians and pro-democracy activists verified by AAPP during this period amount to more than 6,700, including 1,646 women and 825 children.

Myanmar’s regime has said it does not target civilians and its operations are in response to attacks by “terrorists” for maintaining peace and stability in the country.

REUTERS

Save the Kok River campaign in northern Thailand

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The Kok River in northern Thailand's Chiang Mai Province enters from Myanmar's Shan State, where rare earth mining has been reported and has caused arsenic contamination. The Kok is a tributary of the Mekong River. (Credit: DVB)

A “Save the Kok River” event was held at Tha Ton village in Mae Ai district, Chiang Mai Province of Thailand, on World Environment Day June 5. Thai residents protested against mining and deforestation along the Kok River in eastern Shan State, which flows from Myanmar into northern Thailand’s Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai provinces.

“Today, we are gathering in order to save the river. As you can see, it’s contaminated by the mine up north from [Myanmar]. And that’s why we are here today. To [say] to the authorities or to the Prime Minister [Paetongtarn Shinawatra] or whoever is in charge to please come and take a look,” Kanphong Prayoonsak, a Thai member of Parliament from the People’s Party, told DVB.

The Kok River has elevated levels of arsenic, which exceeds safety standards, according to environmentalists. Rare earth mining operations have been reported in Mong Yawn, which is the easternmost township of Shan State. The Kok River flows from Mong Yawn to Mong Hsat Township, which is located along the Myanmar-Thailand border and is under the control of the United Wa State Army (UWSA).

Kanphong Prayoonsak is a member of parliament for the People’s Party of Thailand. He attended the Save the Kok River campaign event in Mae Ai District of Chiang Mai Province, Thailand, on June 5.

Earthquake epicenter of Sagaing Region two months later

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Residents of Sagaing Township - the epicenter of the earthquake - in Sagaing Region have been spending their days and nights outdoors since March 28. (Credit: DVB)

Over two months after a 7.7 magnitude earthquake devastated Myanmar’s Sagaing Region, survivors are struggling. In many communities, recovery efforts are just getting started.

Myanmar among 12 countries listed in US travel ban; Protest in northern Thailand against cross-border pollution

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U.S. President Donald Trump speaks at the White House in Washington, D.C. after signing the travel ban against 12 countries, including Burma, on June 4, 2025. (Credit: Reuters)

Myanmar among 12 countries listed in US travel ban

U.S. President Donald Trump signed a proclamation on Wednesday fully restricting the entry of nationals from 12 countries, citing risks to national security. The countries listed by the White House are Afghanistan, Burma, Chad, the Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Haiti, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, and Yemen.

The U.S. travel ban states that it is “to protect the nation from foreign terrorist entry and other national security and public safety threats.” 
A student from Burma currently applying for an education visa for graduate studies in the U.S. told DVB that it was not fair to list Burma among these 12 countries. “How can we be seen as a threat?” she asked.

The White House cited that Burma nationals had a 27 percent overstay rate for visitor “B1/B2” visas, and a 42 percent overstay rate for non-immigrant academic (F), vocational (M), and exchange visitor (J) visas. It also highlighted Burma’s lack of cooperation in repatriating its nationals who violate U.S. immigration laws and are ordered removed.

Arakan Army seizes militant base in border town

Residents of Maungdaw Township told DVB that the Arakan Army (AA) seized a camp reportedly belonging to the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) after fighting near Leikya village in northern Arakan State on Monday. The AA gained control of the entire 168 mile (271 km) long Burma-Bangladesh border after seizing Maungdaw on Dec. 8.

A Maungdaw resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity that the ARSA has been using the village as an operational base by staging unconventional attacks against AA-controlled areas from it. “We didn’t dare go near that village. Even AA members exercise extreme caution,” the resident added. The AA captured two alleged ARSA members near Leikya in April. 

The ARSA has been accused of fighting alongside pro-regime forces against the AA last year. The ARSA leader Ataullah Abu Ammar Jununi was arrested in Bangladesh on March 18. He is accused of leading ARSA in the 2017 attacks along the border that led to a military crackdown and forced over 740,00 Rohingya to flee their homes in northern Arakan into Bangladesh. 

A protest against the pollution of four rivers on the Burma side of the border was led by Thai environmentalists and residents of Chiang Rai, Thailand, at the Kok River Bridge on June 5. (Credit: DVB)

Protest in northern Thailand against cross-border pollution 

Thousands of Thais gathered at the Kok River Bridge in Chiang Rai, Thailand on Thursday to protest the increasing level of toxic pollution in the water on World Environment Day. They called on Thailand’s Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra to shut down mining operations on the Burma side of the border.

“We, the people, living along the Kok, Sai, Ruak and Mekong river basins in Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai  are currently facing severe contamination of our rivers with heavy metals originating from Shan State, Myanmar,” stated a June 5 press release issued by the People’s Network to Protect the Kok, Sai, Ruak and Mekong river basins.

Thailand will hold a bilateral meeting with regime officials in Kengtung, Shan State, June 17-20 to address concerns over toxic contamination of the Kok and Sai rivers, which flow from eastern Shan into northern Thailand’s Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai provinces. Protesters included Thai civil society, environmentalists, activists, and residents.

Check out our photos of the protest in Chiang Rai, Thailand on June 5.

News by Region

AYEYARWADY—Workers told DVB that they are demanding a raise from their employers after wage increases at factories in Yangon. “I only make 5,500 MMK ($1.2 USD) per day,” a worker in Ayeyarwady told DVB on the condition of anonymity, adding that he wanted to receive the same pay as workers in Yangon.

Sources told DVB that the Myanmar Xiang He shoe factory in Yangon Region raised its daily wage to 12,000 MMK ($2.60 USD) on May 20 following a week-long strike by its 6,000 workers. The GTIG garment factory also increased its daily wage to 11,500 MMK ($2.5 USD) after its 1,000 workers staged a strike in late May.

MAGWAY—Fighting between the AA and regime forces has been taking place in Ngape Township along the Ann-Padan road, which connects Arakan State with neighbouring Magway Region, since Tuesday. Ngape is 48 miles (77 km) west of the region’s capital Magway.

Ngape is where the regime’s Directorate of Defence Industries (DDI) 14 is located. Reinforcements were sent to its Natyekan outpost in late May. Residents near the outpost have been evacuated. The AA expanded its Arakan offensive to Magway, Bago and Ayeyarwady in December.

SHAN—Residents of the Kokang Self-Administered Zone in northern Shan, which is controlled by the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), said that schools opened on Thursday. The MNDAA announced on Tuesday that primary schools in 20 villages would reopen.

The MNDAA invited teachers, who are members of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), to work at schools in the Kokang SAZ and other areas under its control in northern Shan. The regime announced on Tuesday that over 6.1 million students have enrolled in basic education schools for the 2025–2026 academic year

(Exchange rate: $1 USD = 4,440 MMK)

Protest in northern Thailand against cross-border pollution

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A protest against the pollution of four rivers on the Burma side of the border was led by Thai environmentalists and residents of Chiang Rai, Thailand, at the Kok River Bridge on June 5. (Credit: DVB)

Thousands of Thais gathered at the Kok River Bridge in Chiang Rai, Thailand on Thursday to protest the increasing level of toxic pollution in the water on World Environment Day. They called on Thailand’s Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra to shut down mining operations on the Burma side of the border.

“We, the people, living along the Kok, Sai, Ruak and Mekong river basins in Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai  are currently facing severe contamination of our rivers with heavy metals originating from Shan State, Myanmar,” stated a June 5 press release issued by the People’s Network to Protect the Kok, Sai, Ruak and Mekong river basins.

Thailand will hold a bilateral meeting with regime officials in Kengtung, Shan State, June 17-20 to address concerns over toxic contamination of the Kok and Sai rivers, which flow from eastern Shan into northern Thailand’s Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai provinces. Protesters included Thai civil society, environmentalists, activists, and residents.

India-Myanmar trade disruptions cause price hike; Families unable to send kids to school due to rising costs

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India’s Mizoram State Disaster Management and Rehabilitation department reported on June 3 that five have been killed by landslides and the collapse of a home, which was caused by heavy rain over the last 10 days. (Credit: PTI)

India-Myanmar trade disruptions cause price hike

Residents of Arakan State told DVB that hundreds of cargo trucks belonging to merchants from Burma in India’s Lawngtlai District in Mizoram State have been unable to depart since May 25. A merchant told DVB on the condition of anonymity that commodity prices have increased since landslides shut down the India-Burma border trade route into Paletwa Township of Chinland. 

In neighbouring Arakan State, residents told DVB that the price of a liter of gasoline has risen from 8,500 to 12,000 MMK ($1.9-2.6 USD), and the price of a liter of edible oil went from 9,000 to 13,000 MMK ($2-2.8 USD) as a result of reduced supplies. The regime has blocked all trade routes into Arakan from the rest of Burma since November 2023 due to its counteroffensive against the Arakan Army (AA).

Residents in areas under AA control, which includes 14 Arakan townships, as well as Paletwa in southern Chinland, rely on cross-border trade with India for basic food items, medicine and fuel. India shares a 1,020 mile (1,643 km) long border with Burma. Mizoram shares a 316 mile (510 km) long border with Chinland, which means residents of Arakan rely on this critical trade route for their livelihoods. 

Migrant workers in Middle East report rights violations 

Human rights activists told DVB that migrant workers from Burma are facing labor rights violations by their employers in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Oman, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia. There are no formal channels to obtain employment in these countries, so workers must use informal channels, which makes them vulnerable to exploitation.  

Sai Yu Maung, a labor rights activist, told DVB that workers from Burma are brought into countries in the Middle East on tourist visas due to the lack of paperwork required for entry, but this means they work illegally. “I didn’t receive my salary for some months in 2024 from my previous employer,” a migrant worker from Burma in Iraq told DVB. 

The regime’s Ministry of Labour announced restrictions on overseas employment agencies in March, significantly limiting the number of migrant workers allowed per destination country. It set monthly recruitment per agency to 50 workers for Thailand, 15 for Japan, 10 for South Korea, and 5 for Singapore. Over 600 overseas employment agencies operate in Burma, according to the regime.

The families of students gather at the entrance of a basic education school in Pyay, Bago Region, on June 3. (Credit: Regime media)

Families unable to send kids to school due to rising costs

Sources close to the regime’s Ayewarwaddy Region Education Office and residents told DVB that many children are not being sent to school this academic year due to rising costs for educational supplies. The regime Ministry of Education announced on Tuesday that over 6.1 million students have enrolled in basic education schools for the 2025–26 academic year.

“They [regime authorities] came to our house and asked why we couldn’t afford to send our child to school. But they didn’t even offer any assistance,” the parent of a school-aged child in Ayeyarwady told DVB, adding that regime authorities threatened to “take action” against their family if the child wasn’t sent to school.

Over 40 percent of students are not enrolled this year, a source from the Education Office told DVB on the condition of anonymity. The regime stated that the current school enrollment figures include 4,146,251 primary school students, 1,344,236 middle school students, and 628,773 high school students. In the previous academic year, enrollment was nearly 6.4 million, the ministry reported. 

News by Region

KAREN—Resistance forces told DVB that 30 regime troops were killed by airstrikes as they seized the Thebawboe outpost in southern Myawaddy Township on Tuesday. Myawaddy is located 81 miles (130 km) east of the state capital Hpa-an, and across the Myanmar-Thailand border from Tak Province.

A source in the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) told DVB that around 40 regime troops were either killed or injured during the nine days of fighting over control of the outpost. The exact number of casualties on both sides hasn’t been reported. Those who weren’t killed surrendered, the KNLA source added. Read more.

NAYPYIDAW—Two people were arrested in Mandalay and Yangon and charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code for incitement. The two are accused of selling products on behalf of Chan Chan, a singer alleged to have sent financial support to “terrorist groups.”

“I am simply donating funds to internally displaced persons,” Chan Chan shared on social media on Tuesday. Police are investigating people selling products on behalf of nine celebrities, including Chan Chan, accused of supporting the People Defence Force (PDF). 

SHAN—Tension between the Shan State Progress Party (SSPP) and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) have escalated in Lashio Township, which is located 134 miles (215 km) north of the SSPP headquarters in Wanhai and 117 miles (188 km) south of Laukkai in the Kokang Self-Administered Zone.

“Both sides have brought in reinforcements and are now establishing defensive positions,” a Lashio resident told DVB. The SSPP claimed that eight MNDAA members were killed during fighting with its Shan State Army (SSA) on Sunday. The MNDAA has not shared any details about the fighting nor has it acknowledged any casualties. 

(Exchange rate: $1 USD = 4,440 MMK)

Op-ed: ASEAN’s Women, Peace and Security Agenda: A moral and political failure for Myanmar women. Subscribe to the DVB English News Daily Briefing newsletter. 

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