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Myanmar resistance says regime airstrike kills 17 school children

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The National Unity Government reported that an airstrike killed at least 17 students and injured 20 others at a school in Depayin Township, Sagaing Region, on May 12. (Credit: Unknown)

Myanmar’s National Unity Government (NUG) said an airstrike by regime forces had killed at least 17 students and injured 20 others at a school in an resistance-controlled area on Monday, despite a ceasefire extension from May 6-31.

The school, which is operated by the NUG, is in the central Myanmar town of Depayin in the Sagaing Region, about 160 km (100 miles) north of Mandalay and not far from the epicentre of the March 28 earthquake.

“According to the information we have so far, 17 students have been killed and 20 injured,” said NUG spokesperson Nay Phone Latt. “Some may have been missing due to bomb damage, so the death toll could be higher,” he added.

Myanmar has been gripped by conflict since the military used lethal force to suppress protests against its return to power in a 2021 coup. The military has been struggling to govern and has lost ground in its battle to stem a rebellion by ethnic minority armies and a resistance movement affiliated with the NUG.

A regime spokesperson declined to comment when contacted by Reuters.

Last week, the regime said it was extending a post-quake April 2-30 ceasefire until May 31. It had initially announced the ceasefire days after the earthquake to support relief efforts, following similar moves by anti-regime armed groups.

Military airstrikes and artillery attacks have continued in some parts of Myanmar despite the ceasefire announcement.

The NUG includes remnants of the elected administration deposed by the military in the coup and other anti-regime groups.

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At least 18 civilians killed by airstrikes in 24 hours in Sagaing and Mandalay regions

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Residents of Zayatkwin village in Thabeikkyin Township, Mandalay Region, inspect the destruction caused by an airstrike that killed five on May 10. (Credit: Wetlet Information Network)

At least 18 civilians were killed and 10 others were injured by airstrikes carried out by the Myanmar Air Force on villages in Mandalay and Sagaing regions on Saturday, according to an anti-regime group that collects and shares information from central Myanmar.

“I saw a jet fighter take off from the airport in Tada-U Township and conduct one airstrike each on Zayatkwin village in Thabeikkyin Township and Kyitaukpauk village in Singu Township,” Nagarlay, a spokesperson for the Wetlet Information Network, told DVB. He added that the two strikes occurred within five minutes of each other.

Tada-U, Thabeikkyin and Singu townships are located 39-126 miles (62-202 km) south and north of the region’s capital Mandalay. Thabeikkyin and Singu are under the control of the People’s Defense Force (PDF) and administered by the National Unity Government (NUG). 

The PDF in Thabeikkyin and Singu told DVB that residents in Zayatkwin and Kyitaukpauk villages reported at least 10 killed, including children, and over 10 injured. They added that there was no ongoing fighting between the PDF and regime forces in the two villages. 

Residents of Ywartawgon village in Wetlet Township, Sagaing Region, reported that eight civilians were killed by airstrikes on the same day, May 10.

“We only found eight bodies. One woman has been missing since the airstrike,” a Wetlet resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity. Wetlet is located 50 miles (80 km) east of the Sagaing Region capital Monywa. 

Sources told DVB that 16 civilians were killed and nearly 40 others were injured by airstrikes on Yayhtwak village of Thabeikkyin and Nyaungpintha in Bhamo Township of Kachin State on May 7-8. Bhamo is located 120 miles (193 km) south of the Kachin State capital Myitkyina. 

These attacks followed the post-earthquake April 2-30 regime ceasefire, which elapsed May 1-5, but was extended from May 6 to 31. 

The NUG unilateral ceasefire began March 30 but ended on April 20 with no further extensions into the end of April or May.

“There will be no effective ceasefire unless there is an appropriate mechanism in place by [an] impartial international monitoring and enforcement mechanism,” Kyaw Zaw, an NUG spokesperson, told DVB on Saturday.

DVB has documented that at least 349 civilians were killed by 538 air and artillery strikes carried out by the regime since March 28 with 403 of these attacks occurring after the ceasefire first began on April 2.

The U.N. reported that the regime has carried out over 489 attacks since April 2 with 211 attacks being carried out on communities in central Myanmar, where the earthquake has killed 4,477 and injured 11,366, according to DVB data. 

Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica, an independent group researching conflict in Myanmar, has documented that 201 civilians were killed and over 300 were injured by 244 regime airstrikes during the month of April.

Min Aung Hlaing claims international support for regime election; 77 political parties registered, UEC states

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Min Aung Hlaing speaks to regime media on his return flight to Myanmar from Russia on May 10. (Credit: Regime media)

Min Aung Hlaing claims international support for regime election

Regime leader Min Aung Hlaing claimed that world leaders he met with during his trip to Russia for the 80th Victory Day commemorations support his election plan, scheduled to begin in December. He did not mention any countries by name, but his office announced that he had met with China’s President Xi Jinping and Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev during his visit to Moscow May 7-9.

“We will be organizing a free and fair election by the end of this year. I see that all meeting counterparts were supportive and expressed their support,” Min Aung Hlaing told regime media during his return flight from Russia to Burma on Saturday. This was his fifth trip to Russia since the 2021 military coup. Min Aung Hlaing was officially welcomed to Moscow as Burma’s “Head of State” on March 3.

Chinese state media Xinhua reported on Friday that President Xi pledged to support Burma in its rebuilding efforts following the March 28 earthquake. Neither Naypyidaw nor Moscow confirmed on Sunday whether Min Aung Hlaing met with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Sources told DVB that the regime is procuring weapons and Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs), or drones, from Russia.

Seventy-seven political parties registered, UEC states

The regime’s Union Election Commission (UEC) announced on Saturday that a total of 77 political parties had registered before the May 9 deadline to field candidates in the upcoming general elections scheduled for December. The UEC added that 27 are newly-registered parties, while the remaining 50 had been previously registered. 

The National League for Democracy (NLD) party, which was ousted as the elected government in a 2021 military coup, declined to re-register under the regime which seized power by force. The NLD won landslide victories in the 1990, 2015 and 2020 elections. Its leaders, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint have been held in prison since Feb. 1, 2021. 

The UEC reported that polls will only be held in only 110 of the country’s 330 townships nationwide. Human Rights Watch, civil society organizations, and anti-coup groups have called on the U.N., Japan, South Korea, India, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to “defiantly” oppose any election that would legitimize military rule in Burma.

National Unity Government unconcerned over withdrawals 

The National Unity Government (NUG) stated that it is not worried about the number of People’s Defence Force (PDF) battalions withdrawing from under its Ministry of Defence command, a spokesperson told DVB on Thursday without disclosing the exact number of withdrawals. The NUG announced that it has spent $24.9 million USD to finance the PDF since its formation in 2021. 

“We believe the battalions that left our chain of command continue the revolution in their own ways,” Nay Phone Latt, the spokesperson of the NUG Prime Minister’s Office, told DVB. He added that the NUG commands over 300 battalions, and the number of them that have withdrawn is only a “small two-digit figure.” The NUG celebrated the fourth anniversary of the PDF resistance to the regime on May 5.

A PDF in Kyaukse District of Mandalay Region told DVB that it submitted its resignation letter on April 21 and was awaiting NUG approval to officially withdraw. Five armed groups withdrew from NUG command due to disagreements over relocations and allegations of insufficient administrative support in March. Federal Wings, which specializes in Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV) and drone warfare, left the NUG on Oct. 6.

News by Region

Residents of Sulekone village in Kanni Township, Sagaing Region, inspect the destruction caused by airstrikes on May 9. (Credit: DVB)

SAGAING—Kanni Township residents told DVB that airstrikes destroyed over 10 homes in Sulekone village on Friday. Kanni is located 40 miles (64 km) north of the region’s capital Monywa and has been under NUG control since the PDF seized it in 2023. 

“Two fighter jets from Meiktila Air Base dropped six bombs at three different locations” a resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity. No casualties were reported. Sulekone is located four miles east of Kanni town. The village has a population of 1,000, but most residents fled last month due to previous airstrikes. 

KACHIN—A resistance force member in Bhamo Township told DVB on the condition of anonymity that 15 civilians were killed and 30 others were injured by an airstrike on Taunglaylon Yeiktha meditation center in Nyaungpintha neighborhood on Thursday. Bhamo is located 120 miles (193 km) south of the state capital Myitkyina. 

“A fighter jet opened fire upon these civilians who fled from the meditation center,” he told DVB. A total of 387 civilians have fled their homes during fighting between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and regime forces, which resumed on April 25 after a pause during the April 2-22 ceasefire announced by both sides.

BAGO—Sources in Shwegyin Township told DVB that around 500 regime troops from Waw Township crossed the Sittaung River on Saturday to recapture the Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 598 from the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), which seized it from regime forces on Thursday. 

Two airstrikes were carried out during fighting. No casualties were reported. Waw and Shwegyin are located 22-64 miles (35-102 km) north of the region’s capital Bago. Fighting between KNLA-led resistance forces and regime troops over control of the LIB 598 began in April.

TANINTHARYI—The Karen National Union (KNU) seized the Htee Khee base in Dawei Township on Friday. The base is 71 miles (115 km) east of the region’s capital Dawei, and about five miles (8 km) west of Phu Nam Ron in Kanchanaburi Province of Thailand.  

“About three-quarters of the base is located inside Thailand,” said Aung Aung, the deputy commander of a resistance group allied with the KNU that participated in the operation. Htee Khee served as the KNU divisional headquarters from 1975 until it was seized by the military in 1997.

(Exchange rate: $1 USD = 4,400 MMK) 

Regime attacks resume since May 6 ceasefire extension

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The People’s Defense Force searched for survivors after an airstrike killed 12 civilians in Laikkya village of Thabeikkyin Township, Mandalay Region, on April 18. (Credit: PDF)

Resistance forces in Thabeikkyin Township of Mandalay Region and Bhamo Township of Kachin State told DVB that 16 civilians were killed and nearly 40 others were injured by airstrikes on Yayhtwak village of Thabeikkyin and Nyaungpintha in Bhamo on May 7-8. 

“The military intentionally attacked these civilians,” a member of a resistance group in Bhamo, allied with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), told DVB on Thursday. The People’s Defense Force (PDF) under the National Unity Government (NUG) in Thabeikkyin told DVB that one civilian was killed and nine were injured by two airstrikes on Wednesday.

Thabeikkyin is located 90 miles (144 km) north of Mandalay and Bhamo is located 120 miles (193 km) south of the Kachin State capital Myitkyina. Attacks on these two areas of Myanmar came after the regime in Naypyidaw extended its ceasefire from May 6-31. Despite having let its ceasefire elapse the week of April 30 to May 5, it announced a unilateral extension without any response from the NUG, the PDF, or the KIA, last week. 

“There will be no effective ceasefire unless there is an appropriate mechanism in place by impartial international monitoring and enforcement mechanism,” Kyaw Zaw, the NUG spokesperson, told DVB. 

The NUG called for an international monitoring mechanism to document regime attacks on April 15, during its March 30 to April 20 ceasefire, except in cases of “self-defense” judged the PDF, which went on to seize Indaw Township of Sagaing Region from regime forces on April 7.

The regime first announced its ceasefire on April 2 – three days after the NUG – but since then it has killed 290 people and injured another 657 in over 489 air and artillery attacks, according to DVB data. 

The U.N. reported that the regime has carried out over 489 attacks since the April 2 ceasefire began with 211 attacks being carried out on communities in central Myanmar, where the earthquake has killed 4,477 and injured 11,366, according to DVB data. 

“It is imperative that the military immediately stop all attacks on civilians and civilian objects,” said Volker Türk, the U.N. human rights chief, in a statement on May 2. He called for a permanent halt to hostilities and a return to civilian rule in Myanmar.

Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica, an independent group researching conflict in Myanmar, has documented that the regime killed 201 civilians and injured over 300 in 244 airstrikes during the month of April. 

The Brotherhood Alliance–comprised of the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), and the Arakan Army (AA)-extended its March 30 ceasefire to May 31 in order to allow earthquake relief work to continue. 

“The regime killed four civilians, including a five-year-old child, and injured seven others at a wedding ceremony in Thayatcho village of Nawnghkio Township,” the TNLA stated on Friday. 

It claimed that regime forces have fired at least 100 rounds of artillery and dropped more than 30 bombs in air and drone strikes on areas under its control in northern Shan State and neighbouring Mandalay Region on May 6-9. 

Lway Yay Oo, the TNLA spokesperson, told media on May 4 that the regime had intensified airstrikes and attacks following an unsuccessful second round of China-brokered ceasefire talks on April 28-29.

The MNDAA signed a ceasefire with the regime on Jan. 18, and handed back Lashio Township and its Northeastern Regional Military Command (RMC) headquarters last month as part of that agreement, after having seized the northern Shan State capital from regime forces on Aug. 3. 

The AA has expanded its Arakan State offensive, launched on Nov. 13, 2023, into Ayeyarwady, Bago and Magway regions since it seized control of 14 out of 17 Arakan townships from regime forces. The state capital Sittwe, the deep sea port of Kyaukphyu, and the island of Manaung remain under regime control. 

The Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED), a non-profit organization specializing in conflict data analysis and crisis mapping, documented an average of 9.7 air or drone strikes per day from April 2-18, up from 7.6 in the six months prior to the initial ceasefire period. 

It added that resistance forces had only conducted a total of three drone strikes on regime targets during the same period.

From Myanmar to the Andaman Sea: Rohingya women escape genocide

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Noor Azizah speaks to Rohingya women genocide survivors at the Rohingya Cultural Memory Center in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh in January 2023. (Credit: Noor Azizah)

Guest contributor

Noor Azizah

The Rohingya genocide, a brutal campaign that has spanned over 83 years, has led to widespread displacement and persecution of the Rohingya people. 

Fleeing to neighboring countries like Bangladesh, Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, India, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia, the Rohingya are desperately trying to escape a history of violence. 

Unfortunately, for Rohingya women, this violence does not end when they flee Burma as sexual violence continues unabated.

The Burmese military junta and other actors have weaponized rape and gender-based violence against Rohingya women as part of a calculated strategy of destruction. 

These women embark on dangerous sea journeys, primarily across the Andaman Sea, seeking safety and a better life—not for themselves, but for their children. 

The U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has reported an 80 percent increase in dangerous sea journeys by Rohingya women toward Malaysia and Indonesia over the past year. 

Tragically, more than 650 of them have disappeared, presumed drowned, during these perilous journeys.

From the junta to the Arakan Army

Despite the hope of escaping genocide, the women who survive the journey face further sexual violence. 

The atrocities committed during the 2017 military crackdown on the Rohingya has been described as a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing” by the U.N. due to its genocidal nature, with rape and sexual violence used as tools to erase the community’s future. 

The U.N. has documented that around 25,000 Rohingya women were subjected to rape, with thousands becoming pregnant, underscoring the scale of the violence and its devastating consequences.

This widespread violence did not stop at the borders of Burma; it followed these women into refugee camps and cities across South and Southeast Asia. 

Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), or Doctors without Borders, reported that 1,300 babies were born to women who were raped, underscoring the enduring trauma and the long-lasting impact of this violence. 

Rape, according to the U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in 2019, has been used as a tool not only of physical harm but also to degrade and dehumanize Rohingya women, eroding their dignity and autonomy.

Survivors of sexual violence face deep stigmatization and marginalization. As Amnesty International noted in 2018, survivors are often excluded from their communities, further weakening the cultural fabric of the Rohingya people. 

This calculated sexual violence is part of a broader strategy by the junta to dismantle the very structure of Rohingya society, targeting its most vulnerable members—its women and children.

More recently in 2024, in addition to the military, the Arakan Army (AA), led by the majority Rakhine ethnic group in Arakan State, has joined in committing sexual violence against Rohingya women. 

One survivor described the brutality she endured in an August attack, stating that after her door was forcibly opened, troops from the AA assaulted her in front of her family and then slaughtered her father-in-law and two brothers-in-law before dragging them from their home.

Rohingya refugees targeted in Indonesia

In 2024, yet another horrific instance of sexual violence against Rohingya refugees was reported when a boat carrying 140 people fleeing persecution capsized off the coast of Indonesia. 

Sixty-seven lives were lost in this tragedy. While the exact cause of the capsizing remains unclear, reports indicate that the Indonesian captain—himself a human trafficker—systematically raped and assaulted passengers before deliberately sinking the vessel.

Among the few survivors was a 12-year-old girl who recounted the horrors she endured. She was repeatedly raped and abused by the captain and his crew. 

“If you don’t come to us,” the captain had threatened, “we will capsize this boat!” she recalled in an interview. Having already survived violence in Burma, she now faced another cycle of unimaginable brutality in her desperate attempt to escape.

Six women who were raped by the same captain arrived in Aceh Province, pregnant. My team at Rohingya Maiyafuinor Collaborative Network (RMCN) and I were the first responders, providing them with gender-sensitive care. 

This year, they have given birth, and we continue to support them as they navigate their journey toward healing.

Rohingya women face Gender-Based Violence in Malaysia

In Malaysia’s immigration detention centers, Rohingya women are subjected to unimaginable abuse, their dignity, humanity, and will to survive systematically stripped away. 

Confined to overcrowded and filthy cells, they endure relentless brutality from officers who regard them as disposable and unwanted.

Laila, a Rohingya asylum seeker, finds herself trapped in an unending nightmare. If deported to Myanmar, she faces persecution; if she stays in Malaysia, she is condemned to indefinite detention under the country’s harsh immigration laws.

Women detainees are particularly vulnerable, routinely subjected to verbal and physical abuse by officers who remind them, “Who gave you permission to come here? This is not your country. We did not ask you to come here.” 

They live in constant fear, knowing that any sign of defiance—even something as simple as a request for food or hygiene items—can lead to severe punishment.

Former detainees describe nights spent on cold, hard floors, shivering in thin prison uniforms, their bodies battered by the officers’ violence. Many report being kicked, slapped, or whipped with belts. 

Others recount being forced into painful stress positions, ordered to hang from the wall “like geckos,” or made to do hundreds of squats and push-ups until their muscles give out.

“We were beaten for the smallest things,” says Ali, a Rohingya refugee who spent months in Belantik Immigration Detention Center in northern Malaysia’s Kedah State. 

“If we asked for more food, took an extra mug of water to shower, or requested a blanket to survive the cold, we were hit. I saw women collapse from exhaustion, but no one cared.”

The violence extends to children as well. Ali recalls witnessing a nine-year-old boy being savagely beaten by officers after asking for an extra piece of bread. 

When Ali pleaded for them to stop, the officers locked the child in a water tank overnight. Each time he tried to stand, he was beaten again.

Sexual violence and exploitation remain whispered secrets, rarely spoken of openly due to the terrifying consequences for those who dare to speak out. 

Women detainees report being taken by officers in the dead of night, returning silent and broken. Some never return at all. Many endure degrading treatment and gender-based abuse, such as forced squats during strip searches or having their hair cut against their will.

Since 2018, at least five new immigration detention centers have been built in Malaysia, expanding the country’s capacity to imprison refugees escaping violence and genocide like the Rohingya. 

For Rohingya women, these centers are places of unrelenting suffering, where they are dehumanized, brutalized, and left voiceless, their cries for justice unheard.

The 2024 Human Rights Watch report, “We Can’t See the Sun”: Malaysia’s Arbitrary Detention of Migrants and Refugees, highlights these horrific accounts of mistreatment and abuse. 

It exposes the degrading conditions, arbitrary detention, and gender-based violence that women refugees endure in Malaysia’s immigration facilities.

The world cannot remain indifferent. The suffering of Rohingya women in Malaysia’s detention centers must be brought to light, and those responsible for these atrocities must be held accountable. 

These women—stateless, powerless, and abandoned—deserve dignity, protection, and freedom.

Accountability: The courage of Rohingya women survivors

The bravery of Rohingya women survivors is not merely a testament to their resilience but a critical force for change in Burma. 

By courageously sharing their harrowing experiences of sexual violence, they have ensured that the atrocities committed by the Burmese military remain a permanent part of history. 

Their voices have played a pivotal role in securing international arrest warrants for Min Aung Hlaing—an achievement that would not have been possible without their testimony in courts of justice. 

These women are not just survivors; they are agents of change, sparking an international reckoning that holds perpetrators accountable and challenges the systemic violence imposed upon their people.

Had it not been for their unyielding courage, legal action against Min Aung Hlaing’s military might never have gained momentum. 

The jurisdictional barrier posed a significant challenge, as the International Criminal Court (ICC) typically requires the accused to be from a state party, or for crimes to occur within the territory of a signatory to the Rome statute which established the ICC. 

However, because of the mass displacement of the Rohingya into Bangladesh, which is a signatory, these crimes were able to fall within the court’s jurisdiction. 

But without the survivors’ willingness to speak out, this legal pathway would not have been possible, and the international community may have remained passive.

These women have not only fought for justice for themselves but have also become crucial figures in dismantling the impunity that has allowed the Burmese military to operate without consequence. 

By taking their truth to the world stage, they offer hope to all oppressed peoples in Burma, demonstrating the power of collective voices to challenge even the most entrenched systems of violence.

Moreover, we must hold all perpetrators accountable, including those complicit in enabling violence outside of Burma. The responsibility lies not only with those directly committing these atrocities but also with those who provide support, protection, or indifference, allowing this brutality to continue unchecked. 

This includes the abuse faced by Rohingya women in countries like Malaysia and Indonesia, where refugees are subjected to exploitation and mistreatment. 

Holding all perpetrators accountable—whether in Burma, Malaysia, or Indonesia—is critical in ensuring that justice prevails, and the suffering of the Rohingya is brought to an end.


Noor Azizah is the co-founder of the Rohingya Maiyafuinor Collaborative Network, a women-led, Rohingya-led, and refugee-led organization working on Rohingya human rights issues, SGBV, education, and translocal solidarity with a focus on women, peace, and security.

DVB publishes a diversity of opinions that does not reflect DVB editorial policy. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our stories: [email protected]

A film documenting medics along the Thai-Myanmar border

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Matt Blauer, the director of Frontline Hospital, speaks to the audience at McGilvary College of Divinity in Chiang Mai, Thailand, on May 9. (Credit: DVB).

A documentary film called “Frontline Hospital,” which features medics working along the Myanmar-Thailand border, was screened at the McGilvary College of Divinity in Chiang Mai, Thailand on May 9. The 28-minute film is in Burmese with English subtitles.

“I have friends that have been working in Burma for a long time, doing medical work and relief work, even during the democracy years. So I just joined with them to document what they were doing,” said Matt Blauer, the film’s director. “[The] most pressing issue is health care, so that’s where I wanted to focus my work.”

This documentary film will be screened in Mae Sot, Thailand, on May 17.

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