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Athletes from Burma compete at the Paris 2024 Olympics; Over 1,100 arson attacks nationwide in June

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Athletes Thet Htar Thuzar and Phone Pyae Han in a boat on the Seine River at the opening of the Paris 2024 Olympics on July 26. (Credit: One Sports)

Athletes from Burma compete at the Paris 2024 Olympics 

Two Olympic athletes from Burma are competing in badminton and swimming at the 2024 Paris Olympics. Thet Htar Thuzar is representing Burma in badminton for the second time after the Tokyo 2020 Olympics. 

“Thank you all for supporting me, especially those who visited the game in person. I lost the match but it felt great to play,” Thet Htar Thuzar posted to her social media account after losing her first-round women’s singles match to Akane Yamaguchi from Japan on Saturday. 

Thet Htar Thuzar will also be competing with Michelle Li from Canada in the women’s group match on July 30. Phone Pyae Han, a 16-year-old student from Burma who has been swimming since the age of nine, will compete in the men’s 100 meter freestyle on July 30. The Paris 2024 Olympics are from July 26 to Aug. 11.

Thailand taskforce to investigate Naypyidaw weapons purchases

Thailand’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated on Wednesday that a task force will be established by the Bank of Thailand and the Anti-Money Laundering Office to prevent financial transactions that may be used to fund arms sales and human rights abuses in Burma. 

“We [have received] positive signs from Thai banks and positive signs from the Anti-Money laundering office,” said Rangsiman Rome, a member of Thailand’s House of Representatives and chair of the parliamentary committee on national security and border affairs, who presented evidence to the Thai banks. 

The U.N. Special Rapporteur on human rights in Burma Tom Andrews released a report this month stating that companies registered in Thailand utilized Thai banks to transfer weapons and related materials worth $120 million USD in 2023 to Burma, up from $60 million USD in 2022.

The aftermath of an arson attack in Monywa Township of Sagaing Region in July 2023 (Credit: CJ)

Over 1,100 arson attacks in June, says independent research group

Data for Myanmar has documented that the military burned down 1,109 homes last month with nearly 15,000 targeted in arson attacks so far this year. It added that over 95,000 civilian homes have been burned down nationwide by the military since the 2021 military coup.

“All armed groups should adhere to the rules of engagement as much as possible to minimize civilian casualties.” a member of Data for Myanmar told DVB on the condition of anonymity.

It went on to state that resistance forces have reportedly set fire to civilian homes during attacks against pro-regime militias in Magway and Mandalay regions. Over the last year, homes in Sagaing, Magway and Mandalay regions, as well as Chin and Rakhine States, were targeted the most often by arson.

News by Region

ARAKAN—The Arakan Army (AA) warned residents living near the Tha Htay Chaung hydropower dam project to evacuate from their homes as the water level in the dam breached a critical threshold in Thandwe Township on Saturday. 

“We released this emergency warning as the rainfall may continue the next few days that would cause flooding,” the AA stated. Telecommunication services are unavailable in Thandwe. Flooding has also occurred in Taungup and Gwa townships due to rain.

SHAN—The Ta’ang National Liberated Army (TNLA) claimed that 125 residents, including nine children, have been killed and 167 have been injured in areas under its control in northern Shan since fighting with the military resumed on June 25. It added that 93 houses, eight monasteries, and seven schools were destroyed. 

Three family members were killed when an artillery shell hit their home in Lashio on Thursday. “The family was killed on the spot,” a Lashio resident told Shwe Phee Myay News Agency. Many residents in northern Shan have yet to receive humanitarian assistance due to the fighting. The TNLA accused the military of carrying out 30 airstrikes and 78 artillery attacks.  

The National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) deployed around 100 troops to Mong Yawng Township in eastern Shan State last week, which is located east of its territory in Mong La Township along an important trade route from Burma to China.

The NDAA is allied with the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) in the Kokang Self-Administered Zone of northern Shan. However, the NDAA declared neutrality when the Brotherhood Alliance launched Operation 1027 on Oct. 27. It has met with the regime in Naypyidaw since the 2021 coup.

YANGON—The Sanchaung Township Fire Department stated that six cars were damaged and a food stall was destroyed after a brick wall at the Billin Monastery in Sanchaung Township collapsed due to heavy rain on Saturday. 

“A section of the wall, approximately 50 feet [15 meters] in length, suddenly fell down on the cars parked along the road but there were no injuries,” said a member of the rescue team. Several volunteer groups in Kyun Taw ward of Sanchaung provided assistance with the clean-up efforts.

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Advocating for a democratic future in Myanmar

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Guest contributor

James Shwe

In February 2021, the Myanmar military staged a coup, dismantling the democratically elected government and plunging the country into crisis. Since then, the Myanmar people have bravely resisted the military’s rule, demanding a return to democracy and human rights.

The Myanmar diaspora in the U.S plays a strong role in supporting this fight by organizing rallies, encouraging resistance, and raising funds for humanitarian assistance. Additionally, the diaspora has gained experience in advocating for Myanmar by themselves, enhancing their efforts for a democratic transition.

Our Advocacy Efforts and Achievements

The Myanmar diaspora in the U.S. has been working tirelessly to support Myanmar through two main channels:

Grassroots mobilization: We use social media platforms to reach a wide audience and encourage individual action. Our focus is on contacting congressional representatives and informing them of what’s happening in Myanmar and how they can help. We hold meetings when necessary to advocate for policies that support the Myanmar people’s struggle.

Last year, through grassroots mobilization, we successfully advocated for increased funding for the BURMA Act, securing $121 million over $ 50 million USD proposed by the house for 2024 in vital aid for Myanmar. The USAID July 2024 Fact Sheet detailed $93,625,000 USD has already been distributed.

Collaboration with established organizations: We work alongside the National Unity Government (NUG), the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), and civil society organizations (CSOs) to amplify our voices and achieve shared goals.

Strengthening Our Advocacy: Building a United Front

To achieve our goals, we are focusing on:

Local advocacy groups: We are establishing diverse local advocacy groups across the U.S., reflecting Myanmar’s ethnic, religious, and social backgrounds to foster understanding and trust within the diaspora community.

Education and Communication: By educating the diaspora on the U.S. government system, we aim to facilitate more strategic engagement with policymakers. Strong relationships with congressional representatives will ensure our voices are heard.

Transparency and Open Communication: We emphasize accurate and timely information dissemination to combat disinformation and maintain open communication channels within our organization and the broader diaspora community.

Addressing Challenges and Advocating for a Democratic Transition

Despite our progress, significant challenges remain:

Access to the Burma Caucus: Access has been limited but getting better. We urged the Caucus to be more inclusive and ensure all voices within the diaspora community are heard.

There has been some legislation introduced without the knowledge of most of the diaspora and we urged that legislation affecting Myanmar should be widely circulated for public review by the Myanmar diaspora, ensuring a thorough review by those on the ground in Myanmar. The democratic chair’s staff have been receptive.

Concerns about power-Sharing agreements: Recent rumors of U.S. officials meeting with Myanmar military leaders raise concerns about potential power-sharing agreements that legitimize the military’s role. We urge the U.S. to support a transition to a civilian-led government.

Recommendations for US Policy

To effectively support the Myanmar people’s struggle for democracy, we urge the U.S. government to:

Increase diplomatic pressure: Intensify efforts to pressure the military to stop violence against civilians.

Implement More Stringent Sanctions: Coordinate targeted sanctions against military officials and their economic networks.

Promote a democratic transition: Advocate for a clear roadmap to a civilian-led government, rejecting any power-sharing models that solidify military control.

Provide substantial humanitarian aid: Ensure humanitarian aid reaches those in need, including the nearly three million internally displaced persons (IDPs).

Promote a shift from ethno-nationalism to civic nationalism: Assist with education in democracy, governance, community resilience and federal coordination of all stakeholders, including the NUG and Ethnic Resistance Organizations (EROs).

Meeting with USAID: Increasing Transparency in Support for Myanmar

Recently, Myanmar activists in the U.S. met with USAID to discuss enhancing transparency and visibility regarding American aid to Myanmar. Despite substantial financial assistance since the 2021 military coup, visible impacts have been limited.

Key clarifications from USAID:

Aid distribution: The U.S. has been the largest donor to Myanmar, with $136 million USD in aid approved for 2023 and $121 million USD for 2024. Details of aid utilization are often withheld for security reasons.

Aid utilization: Aid covers various sectors, including agriculture, health, and education, across 300 out of 330 townships, but because the needs are so great, only a fraction of the needs could be met.

Support for NUG and EROs: USAID coordinates with the NUG and EROs as requested by the diaspora to ensure aid reaches its intended recipients.

Communication and technology: Efforts to improve communication channels are ongoing, despite challenges in deploying technologies such as Starlink satellite internet services.

Financial reports: USAID’s July 2024 Fact Sheet detailed $93,625,000 USD has already been distributed. This year $29,200,000 USD went through Implementing Partners for Economic Recovery and Market Systems, Health, Multipurpose Cash Assistance (MPCA), Nutrition, Protection, Shelter and Settlements, Water, Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH); Humanitarian Coordination, and Info Management and Assessments (HCIMA).

This is intended to go to Shan, Chin, Kachin, Karenni, Karen, Arakan and Mon states, as well as Bago, Magway, Mandalay, Sagaing, Tanintharyi, and Yangon regions.

Grant applications and local partnerships: Aid distribution relies on grant applications from CSOs. Regions like Sagaing and Magway see limited aid presence due to the current situation.

Lack of visibility: Visibility is limited due to the confidentiality required for the security of recipients and logistical channels.

The Myanmar diaspora requested a balance between security and visibility and timely and more effective aid distribution, especially to interior areas like Sagaing and Magway. Using alternate routes from the west using Chin State as a hub to reach Arakan, Sagaing and Magway was recommended.

Call to Action: Join us in building a democratic future for Myanmar

The Myanmar diaspora in the U.S. stands united in our commitment to a free and democratic Myanmar. We invite all members of the diaspora to join us in this crucial fight. Here’s how you can get involved:

Join a local advocacy group: Be the voice of Myanmar in your community.

Contact your Congressional representatives: Make your voice heard on Capitol Hill.

Stay informed: Follow credible news sources and share accurate information.

Together, through unified and strategic advocacy efforts, we can build a brighter future for Myanmar – a future based on democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.


James Shwe is a Myanmar democracy activist in the U.S. and is a member of the advocacy groups Free Myanmar and the Los Angeles Myanmar Movement. He has been trying to organize and motivate the Myanmar diaspora to advocate for democracy in Myanmar.

DVB publishes a diversity of opinions that does not reflect DVB editorial policy. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our stories: [email protected]

What’s happening in Myanmar’s Tanintharyi Region?

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The Special Operations Force (SOF) of the People's Defense Force (PDF) in southeastern Myanmar's Tanintharyi Region. (Credit: SOF)

The National Unity Government (NUG) considers southeastern Myanmar within its military region number three. The People’s Defense Force under the NUG, along with Local Defence Forces, operate throughout Tanintharyi Region. Since the end of 2022, they have been able to seize three military outposts.

TRANSCRIPT—-What’s happening in Myanmar’s southeastern Tanintharyi Region is worth your attention.

Let me take a minute to explain.

The National Unity Government (NUG) considers southeastern Myanmar within its military region number three.

The People’s Defense Force (PDF) under the NUG, along with Local Defence Forces, operate throughout Tanintharyi.

Since the end of 2022, they have been able to seize three military outposts.

“Some local defense forces have a few hundred [fighters], but they are not yet under the NUG. These groups get verified by the NUG before being integrated [into the PDF]. Tanintharyi can be said to be one of the strongest regions for the PDF.”

Aung San Shar, PDF Commander

The 4th Brigade of the Karen National Liberation Army, the armed wing of the Karen National Union, is based in Tanintharyi.

It is engaged in joint military operations with the PDF.

An armed splinter group called the Kawthoolei Army, or KTLA. is also active here.

On July 13th, the KTLA allegedly opened fire on a car carrying KNLA leaders.

The New Mon State Party (NMSP), based in neighboring Mon State, also operates in Tanintharyi.

But the NMSP has met with the military in Naypyidaw more than five times, since the 2021 military coup.

The FE5 Tanintharyi Report states that there are over 51,000 Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) across the region.

The military controls Myeik, Palaw and Dawei townships, where the Special Economic Zone is located.

Stay tuned to DVB English News for the latest on What’s happening in Myanmar.

Subscribe to our Daily Briefing newsletter on our website

And listen every Friday to the Weekly Briefing podcast.

Human Rights Lens – Episode 3: Myanmar’s military massacres

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DVB TV News presenter D July hosts Human Rights Lens Episode 3.

Human Rights Lens is brought to you by the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) and the National Unity Government (NUG) Ministry of Human Rights. It features NUG Minister of Human Rights Aung Myo Min. Episode three investigates Myanmar’s military massacres.

Myanmar landmine victims share stories of overcoming adversity

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Landmine victim Zaw Lun has been living at an Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camp outside of Laiza, Kachin State for more than 10 years. (Credit: DVB)

Life at an Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camp can be a challenge for most able-bodied men, but Zaw Lun, 60, stepped on a landmine while on his way to work at a farm. This resulted in an amputation to his right leg below the knee.

“It was a familiar route that others had taken. It was on the way from the old village to the farm. Villagers always tried to avoid a clump of bamboo trees there because they had heard there were landmines in the area. That’s where I stepped on [it],” said Zaw Lun.

At Laiza Hospital, he had his leg amputated and received treatment. Three months after being discharged from the hospital in 2022, he was fitted with a prosthetic leg. “Before I received my prosthesis, I couldn’t even sit comfortably on the toilet. I had to depend on my family to assist me,” he added.

Zaw Lun’s story of how he overcame adversity reflects the challenges faced by civilians during the conflict in Kachin State. Even if fighting between the Kachin Independence Army (KIO/KIA) and the military ends, explosive remnants of war (ERW) and landmines will remain.

“Removing landmines after deployment is not easy. Even with demining efforts, it’s nearly impossible to clear every single one. Some may inevitably remain,” said Zaw Lun.

Another landmine survivor is doing push-ups on a hospital bed. Even though Kay Two, 25, is missing a leg, he can still demonstrate his strength to friends while doctors and nurses are out of sight. 

“We arrived in the jungle shortly after the [2021] military coup. At that time, we received only 15 days of training,” said Kay Two. He led an operation to capture a military outpost. While his unit was advancing to seize the base, Kay Two stepped on a landmine at 1:30 pm – a time forever etched into his mind.

“At that moment, I truly believed I was going to die. When I initially stepped on the landmine, I thought I had lost my entire lower body. My comrades rushed to rescue me,” he said.

Kay Two was taken to the hospital. One of his legs had to be amputated, like Zaw Lun. But he was more concerned about whether he’d be able to join his unit to continue the fight missing one leg.

He now waits for his prosthesis at the hospital and says he wants to raise awareness about the dangers posed by ERW and landmines. “Many civilians in our area have been injured by landmines. They have been hurt by landmines laid by both sides. Civilians are the most vulnerable in war.”

The U.N. International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) stated last month that the number of people in Myanmar affected by ERW and landmines in the first three months of 2024 has reached 339 nationwide.

Myanmar ranks fifth among countries with the highest death rates due to landmines worldwide. As armed conflict spreads to even more villages and towns across the country since the uprising against the 2021 military coup continues, the dangers posed by landmines and ERWs continue.

Laos plans to hold conference on Myanmar’s crisis since the 2021 military coup

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Laos' Foreign Minister Saleumxay Kommasith greets regime Permanent Secretary of Foreign Affairs Aung Kyaw Moe at the 57th ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting in Vientiane on July 25. (Credit: Reuters)

Laos, the chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), plans to host an international conference to discuss Myanmar’s political crisis since the 2021 military coup with the ASEAN troika of Indonesia, Laos, and Malaysia, which was established in September 2023 to continue with diplomatic efforts as ASEAN has an annual rotating chair.

Laos’ Minister of Foreign Affairs Saleumxay Kommasith made the declaration about the Myanmar conference at the ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in Vientiane on Thursday. But he did not specify the date it would take place.

“There is no progress on the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus. And if there is no progress still, Myanmar’s participation in ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ meetings and summits must be kept at a non-political level,” said Retno Marsudi, Indonesia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, at the ASEAN meeting on July 25.

Marsudi blamed both the military and anti-coup resistance forces for refusing to participate in dialogue, which is one of the main points – along with ending all violence – in the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus.

Regime leader Min Aung Hlaing agreed to it in April 2021 during an ASEAN summit in Indonesia. Since then, the military has suffered from a series of battlefield defeats after the Brotherhood Alliance launched Operation 1027 on Oct. 27. 

Over 300 military outposts and 13 towns were seized along the China-Myanmar border by the Brotherhood Alliance. China brokered a ceasefire between it and the military on Jan. 11. This truce broke down on June 25 and the fighting has resumed.

The National Unity Government (NUG), a group of elected lawmakers ousted in the coup who offer a return to civilian rule in Myanmar, has stated that it would only engage in dialogue with the military if it ceases all violence, releases all political prisoners, and cedes power to make way for a federal democratic union inclusive of Myanmar’s diverse ethnic nationalities.

Regime spokesperson Zaw Min Tun said on Aug. 22 that Naypyidaw would only consider dialogue with the NUG if its armed wing, the People’s Defense Force (PDF), renounced violence. The PDF has been involved in operations against the military, often fighting alongside armed groups like the Brotherhood Alliance, nationwide.

The ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting ends July 28. Regime Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Aung Kyaw Moe is attending and met Kao Kim Hourn, the ASEAN Secretary General, on Wednesday.

ASEAN barred senior regime officials from its high-level meetings in August 2022 over Naypyidaw’s failure to adhere to the Five-Point Consensus. It invited a non-political representative from Myanmar to attend its summits, but the invitation was snubbed by Naypyidaw until it began sending representatives earlier this year after Laos took over as ASEAN chair.

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