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Naypyidaw ‘slashes’ Union Election Commission budget by one-fourth

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Regime leader Min Aung Hlaing cast his ballot during the 2020 general elections - amidst the COVID-19 pandemic - at a polling station in Naypyidaw on Nov. 8, 2020. (Credit: Reuters)

Officials from several national and regional-level political parties told DVB that the regime in Naypyidaw approved only one-fourth of the budget submitted by its Union Election Commission (UEC) for the general elections announced by Min Aung Hlaing to begin this December. 

Sai Htay Aung, the chairperson of the Tai-Leng Nationalities Development Party, told DVB that the budget was meant for setting up “electronic voting machines and ballot stations” in all constituencies.

But the UEC has yet to announce the number of constituencies, candidate criteria, or the exact timeline of when the elections will take place.

There were 330 constituencies for the Lower House, 168 constituencies for the Upper House, 644 constituencies for state and regional parliaments, as well as 29 constituencies for ethnic minorities in these parliaments during the 2020 general elections.

Kyaw Swar Soe, the chairperson of the Myanmar Farmers Development Party, told DVB that the UEC informed them to prepare candidates for around 100 constituencies nationwide. 

The regime said it would use data from its 2024 census for its planned elections, which included only 145 townships. In the remaining 185 townships, only partial data was collected in 127 while no data was collected at all in 58.

A total of 54 political parties have registered to contest the elections, with only 10 — including the pro-regime Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) — planning to field candidates nationwide in all constituencies, according to the UEC.

The ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) party, which won the 2015 and 2020 elections by a landslide, and 39 other parties were dissolved by the UEC in 2023.

Karen resistance forces seize another outpost along the Myanmar-Thailand border

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Resistance forces, led by the Karen National Liberation Army, briefly captured the regime Thebawboe outpost in Myawaddy Township, Karen State, in May 2022. (Credit: Cobra Column)

Resistance forces in Karen State told DVB that 30 regime troops were killed by retaliatory airstrikes as they seized the Thebawboe outpost in southern Myawaddy Township on Tuesday. Myawaddy is located 81 miles (130 km) east of the state capital Hpa-an, and across the Myanmar-Thailand border from Tak Province.

A source in the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) told DVB that around 40 regime troops were either killed or injured during the nine days of fighting over control of the outpost. The exact number of casualties on both sides hasn’t been reported. Those who weren’t killed surrendered, the KNLA source added.

The Thebawboe outpost, located approximately one mile (1.6 km) away from the Myanmar-Thailand border, had 100 troops deployed inside. KNLA-led resistance forces briefly seized the outpost in May 2022 before withdrawing in the face of a regime counteroffensive.

Sources told DVB that over 2,000 residents of Sonesimyaing — near the headquarters of the pro-regime Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA) — Ukarihta, Taungni, Thebawboe, and Wamihta villages have fled their homes due to fighting between the KNLA and regime forces in the area since May 21.

“The residents are staying on the Thai side of the [Thaung Yin or Moei] riverbank. With the rain, it’s hard to find shelter, and it doesn’t feel very safe,” a resident of Karen State seeking temporary shelter in Thailand’s Tak Province told DVB on June 3.

KNLA-led resistance forces seized control of the regime’s Bayintnaung outpost on May 29 and the Kanaelay outpost on May 28 — both located in Myawaddy — as well as the Baledo outpost in Kawkareik Township on May 23. Kawkareik is located 26 miles (41 km) west of Myawaddy and 55 miles (88 km) east of Hpa-an.

The Maela (Maw Kawelay), Pulutu, Khaleday, Takhawbikhi, Mawphathu outposts, as well as the Talel strategic outpost, have also been seized by the Karen resistance since March. 

All six regime outposts are located in Hlaingbwe Township along the Myanmar-Thailand border. Hlaingbwe is located 23 miles (37 km) north of Hpa-an and 75-101 miles (120-162 km) northwest of Kawkareik and Myawaddy.

The regime still controls its Ukarihta, Wawlay, Htithebalel, Htitapalaw, and Utarikhee outposts along the Myanmar-Thailand border, according to BBC Burmese. Myanmar shares a 1,501 mile (2,416 km) long border with Thailand, and Karen State is bordered by Thailand’s Mae Hong Son, Tak and Kanchanaburi provinces.

Floods in Kachin State capital displace 1,000 residents; Brotherhood Alliance extends post-quake ceasefire to June 30

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Residents of Myitkyina Township, Kachin State, fled their homes due to floods on June 2. (Credit: CJ)

Floods in Kachin State capital displace 1,000 residents 

Aid workers in the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina told DVB that nearly 1,000 residents in the township have fled their homes over the last five days due to flooding since May 30. Regime authorities in the city have reportedly made accommodation for residents available at monasteries, where temporary shelter will be provided.

“We’re evacuating residents from low-lying areas,” an aid worker told DVB on the condition of anonymity. The regime Department of Meteorology and Hydrology announced that the Irrawaddy River had receded to 1,054 cm on June 3, after rising five centimeters above the town’s critical threshold of 1,200 cm on the previous day, June 2.

Another aid worker told DVB that no casualties were reported as many residents had evacuated before flooding began. Schools were unable to reopen in Myitkyina on Monday for the new school year, according to residents. Tens of thousands living in Myitkyina needed humanitarian aid after 75 percent of the town was flooded last June

Brotherhood Alliance extends post-quake ceasefire to June 30

The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Arakan Army (AA)—collectively known as the Brotherhood Alliance—extended its temporary ceasefire on Monday until June 30. It was the first to announce a ceasefire two days after the March 28 earthquake and has repeatedly extended it since March 30.

“Despite two months of efforts, the clearance and rescue operations remain incomplete, and heavy rainfall has caused further collapses and damage to structures,” the Brotherhood Alliance shared in a press release on June 2. It added that the ceasefire includes the right to self-defence during regime attacks.

The TNLA and the AA have both reported air and artillery attacks in territory under their control during the regime ceasefire, which began on April 2. Towns under MNDAA control have been relatively peaceful since it signed a China-brokered ceasefire in January. The regime extended its temporary ceasefire on Sunday to June 30.  

Regime forces near resistance held-town in northern Shan State

One of the two regime columns that launched a counteroffensive in late April to retake Nawnghkio Township in northern Shan State passed through Shwemothtaw village on Monday, frontline sources told DVB. The village is located 12 miles (19 km) south of Nawnghkio, which is 96 miles (154 km) south of the region’s capital Lashio and 147 miles (236 km) north of the Shan State capital Taunggyi.

A source told DVB on the condition of anonymity that there was no fighting reported on June 2 but that gunfire could be heard. Zin Yaw, a Burma Army defector, told DVB that once regime troops pass Shwemothtaw village, they will face TNLA and Danu People’s Liberation Army (DPLA) forces at Kangyi village, approximately nine miles (14 km) south of Nawnghkio, which was seized by the TNLA on July 10,

The other regime column took an alternative route from Lawnglin village, located 19 miles (30 km) southeast of Nawnghkio. Zin Yaw told DVB that the two regime columns may converge and enter Nawnghkio at the Goke Hteik train station, eight miles (12 km) east of Nawnghkio. The second round of China-brokered peace talks between the TNLA and the regime held April 28-29 failed.

News by Region

Residents of Kyauktaw Township, Arakan State, transport goods by boat due to flooding on June 2. (Credit: APM)

ARAKAN—Residents of Kyauktaw, Mrauk-U and Taungup townships told DVB that flooding began on Sunday. No casualties have been reported. Kyauktaw, Mrauk-U and Taungup are located 88-284 miles (96-457 km) north and south of the state capital Sittwe, which is under regime control. 

“At least 10 villages [in Kyauktaw] have been submerged,” a Kyauktaw resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity. The Kaladan River breached its banks after five consecutive days of rain. The Sittwe-Yangon road has been closed due to flooding since June 1, according to residents. 

SAGAING—Kanbalu Township residents from 11 villages fled their homes due to fighting between resistance and pro-regime forces on Monday. Kanbalu is partly administered by the National Unity Government (NUG) and is located 105 miles (168 km) north of the region’s capital Monywa. 

A Kanbalu resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity that hundreds fled their homes and an unknown number of them were detained by two pro-regime militias, which launched an attack against the PDF in Kanbalu on June 2. 

SHAN—The People’s Defence Force (PDF) claimed that the Pa-O National Organization (PNO) burned down at least four homes in Payataung and Yepu villages of Nyaungshwe Township on Monday. Nyaungshwe is located 18 miles (28 km) south of the state capital Taunggyi. 

“We have been protecting these villages for over one year. The military spread false news that we set fire to these villages but we did not,” a PDF member in Nyaungshwe told DVB. He added that the PNO carried out arson after the PDF withdrew from the two villages. 

(Exchange rate: $1 USD = 4,430 MMK)

A Q&A with Jon Allsop on his new book ‘What is Journalism For?’

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Jon Allsop writes for the Columbia Journalism Review, editing its flagship “Media Today” newsletter. He also writes widely about politics and other topics for publications including the New York Review of Books, The Guardian, N+1, Foreign Policy, The Atlantic, Vanity Fair, The Nation, and The Intercept.

His new book ‘What is Journalism For?’ examines the role played by media in Myanmar during the decade of democratic transition until it came to an end with the 2021 military coup.

At this point, most journalists either fled underground or went into exile. Allsop speaks to several Myanmar journalists, including DVB Chief Editor Aye Chan Naing, to find out how independent media can survive from exile.


DVB: Why did you decide to include the recent history of Myanmar media as a focus of your book What is Journalism for?

For context, the book is part of a wider series that’s being published by Bristol University Press in the U.K., asking what the purpose of various social institutions is in this turbulent global moment. (Other titles range from What are Prisons For? to What is Veganism For?)

Since 2017, I’ve covered the world of journalism, mostly in the U.S. but with a global lens, for the Columbia Journalism Review, a New York City-based magazine; in 2022, an editor at Bristol University Press reached out to me and asked if I’d like to tackle the “journalism” edition in the series.

I say all this to establish that I wasn’t so insane as to try and answer such a huge question as “What is journalism for?” off my own bat, with no prompting. But I quickly realized I’d been circling this really big question in my work for a long time, and was interested in trying to articulate an answer at book-length.

Obviously, when answering a question this big, there’s a risk of doing so in an overly abstract or philosophical way, so I knew straight away that I wanted to anchor my answer, to make the stakes tangible for readers, using real-world examples—not as case studies in any strict academic sense (even though the publisher is a university press, this isn’t an academic book), but to illustrate the importance of journalism in a global way.

I knew that I would draw on the U.S., which has been the main focus of my work, and the U.K., where I’m from, but it was also important to me to step beyond that comfort zone and challenge my ideas by situating them in a less Western-centric, international perspective.

I quickly had the idea to focus on Myanmar as a way of doing that: I had written about press freedom in the country a couple of times for the Columbia Journalism Review in the wake of the 2021 coup; not in a ton of detail, but enough to know that the story of journalism in Myanmar is a fascinating one, involving democratic advances and retreats, profound, sometimes violent tensions in the relationship that journalists are supposed to have with their communities (a key theme of the book), and now, of course, intense state repression.

I also hoped that writing about Myanmar would bring some small measure of focus to the crisis in the country and the challenges that the mostly exiled media have faced in covering it. All of this got quite a lot of global attention in the months after the coup, but it later tailed off, with concrete consequences, among other things, for donor funding for exiled outlets. It’s a story that deserves more attention.

DVB: Since the 2021 military coup, independent Myanmar media outlets have operated from exile. How did the journalists you spoke to for the book respond to this challenge?

I spoke with a range of journalists with experience working in different parts of Myanmar’s vibrant independent media landscape: spanning generations, big outlets (like DVB) and smaller ones that serve ethnic communities, people inside and outside the country (though mostly the latter).

I obviously couldn’t speak to everyone I might have wanted to, and the language barrier was an obstacle for me, so my sample of interviewees was not fully comprehensive or representative; that said, I’m full of admiration for those with whom I spoke and their colleagues, who have continued to cover the crisis inside Myanmar through almost unimaginably difficult circumstances.

Those still inside the country, including a growing class of citizen journalists (CJs), are feeding out information despite the direct danger of official reprisal; those outside are having to navigate distanced relationships with sources, internet outages in parts of Myanmar, and other challenges that clearly make the basic journalistic task of finding and verifying information really hard, while at the same time often having their own lives turned upside down and trying to build new ones outside their home country.

Understandably, this state of affairs has posed journalistic difficulties—I heard concerns about journalistic professionalism and independence; different journalists seem to have different views as to what extent it’s allowable to side with the resistance to the junta given that the junta has waged war on democracy and journalism.

(Those with whom I spoke mostly stressed the importance of maintaining a posture of critical independence and not taking sides, but when one “side” is frontally attacking you, lines can get blurred—not only in Myanmar, but in other countries, including, increasingly, the U.S.; even if the situation there is clearly much less extreme than in Myanmar, some of these same philosophical questions are rearing their head.)

There have also been disappointing reports of abusive or underpaid working conditions for journalists. But on the whole, the persistence and dedication of those who have tried to continue reporting has been inspiring.

DVB: In an op-ed for the Columbia Journalism Review, you called the U.S. President Donald Trump’s gutting of USAID, U.S. broadcasters’ Burmese language services Voice of America and Radio Free Asia, and the March 28 earthquake a “triple whammy.” Could you explain what you meant by this?

I simply meant that these were three further huge challenges for Myanmar’s independent media community that struck in very quick succession in the first part of this year: the cuts to USAID and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) hit the budgets of independent outlets that have increasingly relied on foreign aid funding, in a context of existing broader pullback in that funding from actors globally; then, the Trump administration moved to gut U.S.-funded overseas broadcasters, which have long been an important source of news in Myanmar, especially during the periods of authoritarian rule; then, the earthquake happened, which obviously personally affected journalists inside the country or who still have family there, and also was an urgent story that needed to be reported out to the world.

These new challenges compounded the existing ones: the earlier crackdown on the free press, for example, obviously meant that there were fewer journalists inside Myanmar to cover the quake because so many of them had gone into exile and made it dangerous for journalists inside the country and their sources to speak candidly about the disaster and the official response for fear of reprisals though some nonetheless did so.

The new challenges also intersected with each other: VOA and RFA, for example, broadcast on shortwave radio, which is vital when the internet goes down, which happened after the quake, but obviously by that point those outlets were struggling to stay on the air, if they were able to at all, thanks to Trump.

As Thin Lei Win, the co-founder of Myanmar Now, put it to me at the time, journalists in the areas affected by the quake “were already operating in an extremely challenging environment. Now they also have to go around trying to gather news without giving themselves away. And, of course, some newsrooms suddenly find themselves without enough staff to cover it, because they’ve had to let go of people because of the cuts. It’s just one problem compounding the other.”

DVB: Several countries around the world have had independent media forced into exile, but what is it about Myanmar independent media that makes it a case study for a book on journalism and democracy? 

Any number of countries’ exiled media communities could have made for interesting and important examples—sadly, as you note, there are many of them these days—but I find Myanmar’s particularly fascinating. You have a vibrant, centuries-old history of press freedom—one that was institutionalized in novel ways by local rulers, not imposed by colonial powers—followed by a brutal crackdown following the 1962 coup, followed by a period of opening and hope in the 2010s, followed by another brutal crackdown in 2021, so you really get to trace how press freedom responds to political conditions in quite a dynamic way.

And that seemingly simple timeline is nuanced in many respects: the crackdowns didn’t kill press freedom, it just forced the forms it took to mutate; on the flip side, the transition toward democracy in the 2010s was by no means a perfect period for press freedom, and you see figures—like Aung San Suu Kyi, previously such a darling of global democrats—treating the press in ways that fell short of their lofty rhetoric.

It’s a country that has a rich tradition of things like cartoons and satire; it’s also a phenomenally diverse country, and that is very visible in its journalistic history: in positive ways—like the growth of ethnic media that are really responsive to their communities’ needs, and in some cases help keep traditions and languages alive—but also very sad ones, as could be seen in the media tensions that surrounded the Rohingya crisis in the late 2010s.

My book explores the purpose of journalism in the abstract, as a means of identifying and reporting what is true about the world and holding power to account, but also explores how the idea of journalism can be pushed and pulled by different community interests, or the appeal of activism, or other institutions around it in society, and to what extent these different influences can be embraced or need to be rejected. Myanmar I think shines a very important and distinctive light on almost every aspect of this. 

It’s also an example that pushes back on the oversimplified idea that what it means to be a journalist, or how journalists think of their jobs, differs by country, or between the West and everywhere else, particularly when it comes to how aggressively journalists ought to hold the government to account. There surely are some cultural differences, but as Thin Lei Win told me for the book, repressive conditions in Myanmar have bred generations of “seriously good muckraking journalists” who “really want to find out what is behind policies and decisions.”

And in recent decades in particular, Myanmar’s independent media community has developed in close contact with partners and funders from other countries, showing that journalism in one country never exists in a hermetically sealed bubble without any outside influence. I make the point in the book that if journalists are obligated to serve their communities, they must recognize the porous boundaries between communities, and the fact that in this day and age, all communities are part of an inseparable global whole. Journalists themselves form a global community.

DVB: What can media practitioners, academics, students or anyone interested in Myanmar learn from its independent media and journalists?

A huge amount about the country, clearly, but I’d say first and foremost the power—and costs—of journalistic resilience. It’s become a truism that press freedom is in a precarious state worldwide, and that there is a need to fight for it. And this is true. But for many people, the notion of the fight is still abstract or distant. In Myanmar it’s real. Journalists from there are living it. And it’s relentless.

DVB: Thank you.

Myanmar regime says temporary ceasefire extended to June 30

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Regime leader Min Aung Hlaing inspecting earthquake damage at a government building in Naypyidaw on May 27. (Credit: regime media)

The regime in Naypyidaw said it has extended a temporary ceasefire to the end of June to support reconstruction and relief efforts following a massive earthquake in late March that killed at least 3,700 people and devastated parts of the country.

Naypyidaw initially announced a ceasefire in early April, days after the March 28 earthquake, to support relief efforts, following similar moves by anti-regime armed groups. Some opposition groups have also extended their ceasefires to June 30.

Military airstrikes and artillery attacks have continued in some parts of Myanmar since the beginning of April despite the ceasefire announcement. At least 692 attacks have been carried out by the regime since its temporary ceasefire began on April 2.

A total of 550 have been killed and 1,164 have been injured since the earthquake on March 28 to June 2, according to DVB data.

REUTERS

Over 500 residents of Kachin State displaced by flooding; Eight ‘killed’ in Shan State fighting between ethnic armies

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Flooding in Chipwi Township, Kachin State, near the Burma-China border on June 1. (Credit: Johnwu LumJhid)

Over 500 residents of Kachin State displaced by flooding

Over 500 people from five wards in the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina Township have to leave their homes as the Irrawaddy River burst its banks on Monday, residents told DVB. The river reached 1,205 cm—five centimeters above the town’s danger level—according to the regime Department of Meteorology and Hydrology.

“It’s not just people living in low-lying areas, those in higher areas also have to relocate,” a Myitkyina resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity. The N’Mai River, a tributary of the Irrawaddy, overflowed in Chipwi Township on Friday. This caused the flooding of at least 10 shelters housing an unknown number of residents at an Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camp, and an additional five homes. 

No casualties have been reported in either township. Residents are warning of landslides due to the heavy rains, winds and floods. Chipwi, located 75-128 miles (120-205 km) northeast of Myitkyina and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) headquarters of Laiza, came under KIA control on Sept. 29

Eight ‘killed’ in Shan State fighting between ethnic armies

The Shan State Progress Party (SSPP) announced that its armed wing, the Shan State Army (SSA), killed eight members of the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) during fighting near Nalai village in the Hannar village-tract of Lashio Township in northern Shan State on Sunday. The MNDAA has not shared any details about the fighting nor has it acknowledged any casualties. 

A Lashio resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity that the SSA and the MNDAA had frequent disputes over territory and natural resources. Lashio is located 134 miles (215 km) north of the SSPP headquarters in Wanhai village of southern Shan and 117 miles (188 km) southwest of the MNDAA-controlled Laukkai Township in northern Shan’s Kokang Self-Administered Zone.

The SSPP claimed that 100 MNDAA troops and two of its battalions are deployed in the Hannar village-tract, without disclosing the exact number of its own personnel on-the-ground. Sources told DVB that the talks between the two armed groups ended without an agreement in April. The SSPP stated that there have been eight “confrontations” and 24 incidents of physical altercations with the MNDAA.

Regime staff in Naypyidaw ordered to move as schools reopen

The regime Ministry of Education ordered its staff to move out of temporary shelters set up at schools in Naypyidaw, where they’ve been staying since the March 28 earthquake, before the academic year started Monday. Regime education staff have been living in over 70 shelters at 16 schools in Zabuthiri Township, which is located 169 miles (272 km) south of the earthquake epicenter in Sagaing Region.

“They said the shelters were an eyesore,” a regime education employee told DVB on the condition of anonymity. Another staff member told DVB that the employees were relocated to a school hall as a temporary shelter until more permanent accommodation can be found. Hundreds of regime staff residential buildings were reportedly damaged during the quake, but Naypyidaw has not disclosed any further details. 

Regime leader Min Aung Hlaing updated Naypyidaw’s earthquake death toll on May 29 to 3,739 people killed, 5,104 injured, and 68 still missing. A total of 506,069 people and 162,167 households were impacted in 10 states and regions, including Sagaing, Mandalay, Naypyidaw, and southern Shan State. At least 4,492, including 617 in Naypyidaw, have been killed and 11,366 have been injured, according to DVB data. 

News by Region

A school in Thabeikkyin Township, Mandalay Region, was destroyed by an airstrike on June 1. (Credit: People’s Defense Force)

MANDALAY—The People’s Defence Force (PDF) told DVB that a school in Thabeikkyin Township was destroyed by an airstrike on Sunday. Thabeikkyin is located 90 miles (144 km) north of Mandalay and is administered by the National Unity Government (NUG). 

A PDF spokesperson told DVB that the airstrike targeted civilians as there was no fighting with regime forces. Two buildings were destroyed inside a school compound. No casualties were reported. The regime extended its temporary ceasefire on Sunday until June 30.

AYEYARWADY—Residents of eight townships, including Bogalay, Kyaiklat, Pathein, Maubin and Hinthada, told DVB that police officers and regime administrators started visiting their homes on Sunday to find out if their children are enrolled in school for this academic year. 

“We have been told to go door-to-door,” a source from the region’s Education Office told DVB on the condition of anonymity. Over 40 percent of students are not enrolled this year, the source added. Regional authorities are threatening legal action against families of children not in school.

KARENNI—The PDF in Bawlakhe Township told DVB that its deputy battalion commander was killed by an artillery strike on May 22 before it seized the regime’s Yenipauk outpost. A total of 20 PDF members were injured and 14 regime troops were killed in fighting May 1-31.

Three PDF members were reportedly injured by incendiary bombs in Moebye town of Pekon Township, southern Shan State, last month. Moebye and Bawlakhe are located 10-52 miles (16-83 km) northwest and south of the state capital Loikaw, which is under regime control. 

SHAN—The Pa-O National Liberation Army (PNLA) claimed that pro-regime forces, including the Pa-O National Organization (PNO), killed four PNLA members they had detained in Hsihseng Township on Jan. 13. Hsihseng is located 31 miles (50 km) south of the state capital Taunggyi.

A PNLA spokesperson told DVB that they obtained video footage of the alleged killing of its four members by pro-regime forces from a captured PNO militia member’s phone. He accused the PNO and pro-regime forces of committing war crimes for killing prisoners of war. 

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