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Kokang conflict ‘could spark bigger problems’

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Sept 1, 2009 (DVB), Recent fighting between Burmese troops and armed ethnic groups could be the precursor to broader conflict between ceasefire groups and the ruling junta, says a prominent activist.

Fighting broke out last week in the Kokang region of Burma's northeastern Shan state, forcing around 37,000 people across the border into China.

Tension had been mounting between Burmese troops and the Kokang-based Myanmar Peace and Democracy Front (MPDF), following pressure from the junta on ceasefire groups to transform in border patrol militias.

The ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) had also been urging groups to form political parties in lieu of elections next year.

According to Than Khe, chairman of the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF), which played a key role in the 1988 uprising, the fighting was a result of the junta rushing towards the elections "without properly solving political problems first".

"This could spark even bigger problems in the future. The fight may physically stop eventually but the problem would remain," he said.

The future of ceasefire agreements remains tenuous, with the MPDF receiving some backing from other ceasefire groups in the region.

According to some sources, around 500 troops from the United Wa State Army (UWSA), Burma's largest ceasefire group who along with the MPDF had signed a truce with the junta in 1989, joined with the Kokang army.

Pressure to transform into border guards has created increasingly noticeable fissures between the government and ceasefire groups, said a Sai Lao Hseng, spokesperson for the Shan State Army (SSA) South.

"This will make it even more difficult for the ceasefire groups to trust the SPDC government," he said.

Both the Kokang group and the UWSA are made up of ethnic Chinese, and China is thought to supply the UWSA with arms and economic support.

China issued a rare rebuke to Burma last week, urging the junta to solve problems that forced thousands into southern China.

The Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Jiang Yu today appeared to placate the tension somewhat, stating that it was the "shared responsibility of both governments" to ensure stability of the border region.

Reporting by Naw Noreen

Suu Kyi eyes security at compound

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Sept 1, 2009 (DVB), Burma opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is consulting with an architect over plans to renovate her house with an eye to tightening security, said a party spokesperson.

Security at the Rangoon lakeside compound, in which Suu Kyi has been held under house arrest for 14 of the last 20 years, was breached in May this year when US citizen John Yettaw entered the grounds.

During the ensuing trial, Yettaw said that armed guards patrolling outside the compound were aware of him entering, and only threw rocks at him.

Nyan Win, lawyer for Suu Kyi and spokesperson for the National League for Democracy (NLD) party, said that Suu Kyi was keen to renovate the house for security purposes.

The NLD leader was last month sentenced to a further 18 months under house arrest, following the Yettaw incident.

"We are consulting with an architect for some draft blue-prints. Mainly we want to install an iron grille at her veranda door for better safety measures," said Nyan Win.

"I showed some draft blue-print designs to Daw Suu and she pointed out changes she wanted to make to it."

He said that it is unclear whether permission is needed from authorities before the renovation takes place.

"That is her house. Does she really need permission from the authorities to repair her own house?" he said.

The compound became the subject of a legal dispute last month, with Suu Kyi's estranged cousin claiming part ownership of the property. Nothing seems to have come of it, however.

Lawyers are set to appeal the sentencing on Thursday, following complaints that the conditions of her house arrest are stricter than before.

During hr last spell under house arrest, Suu Kyi had been allowed regular checkups by her family doctor, Tin Myo Win. The new conditions appear to disallow this.

An appeal to reinstate Tin Myo Win has been lodged, but no reply has come from the authorities, said Nyan Win.

Reporting by Khin Hnin Htet

US urges Burma to end ethnic fighting

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Sept 1, 2009 (DVB), The United States has expressed concern over recent fighting between the Burmese army and ethnic rebel groups, and its potential impact on chances for national reconciliation in Burma.

Fighting between Burmese troops and armed ethnic groups in Burma's northeastern Shan state appeared to have eased yesterday, with thousands of refugees making their way back from China.

Estimates of up to 37,000 people were thought to have fled into China since fighting broke out on 27 August, principally against the Myanmar Peace and Democracy Front (MPDF), based in Shan state's Kokang region.

"The brutal fighting has forced thousands of civilians to flee their homes for safety in Thailand and China, and has reduced both stability and the prospects for national reconciliation in Burma," said US State Department spokesperson Ian Kelly.

"We urge the Burmese authorities to cease their military campaign and develop a genuine dialogue with the ethnic minority groups as well as with Burma's democratic opposition."

The latest wave of fighting appears to have broken a 20-year ceasefire agreement between the Burmese junta and the Kokang army, who have received some support from other ceasefire groups such as the United Wa State Army (UWSA).

Burmese state media on Monday said that around 30 people, including Burmese troops, had been killed since fighting broke out.

China, a close ally of Burma, last week issued a rare rebuke to the Burmese government, urging it to "properly deal with its domestic issue to safeguard the regional stability in the China-Myanmar [Burma] border area".

Both the Wa and Kokang groups are made up of ethnic Chinese, and China is thought to covertly support the groups.

Chinese authorities were sheltering refugees as they crossed into its southern Yunnan province, and providing food and water. United Nations officials were also reportedly on hand to assist.

According to Reuters, around two-thirds of the refugees had by today returned to Burma, many fearing looting of their homes and shops.

The fighting was sparked by growing pressure from the junta on ceasefire groups to transform themselves into border patrol militias, as well as form political parties prior to the 2010 elections.

junta on ceasefire groups to transform themselves into border patrol militias, as well as form political parties prior to the 2010 elections.

Reporting by Francis Wade

Civil servants warned against complaining

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Aug 31, 2009 (DVB), Civil servants in central Burma have been ordered not send complaints regarding workplace abuse or corruption to the government in the country's capital, according to a government worker.

A government employee in Magwe division said that local township officials had ordered those working in government offices to sign an agreement vowing not to complain.

"They said, whether political problems or personal disagreements, no complaint should be made to the government administration in Naypyidaw," he said under condition of anonymity.

"Township officials are now going to villages in the area to make everyone sign [the agreement], including school teachers."

The officials also reportedly warned the government employees not to spread any news about it.

He said the order was likely due to concern over a recent incident where teachers at a local primary school complained about students being made to clear a grassland near the school for a visit by a senior government minister.

Visits to locations by government officials are often preempted by instances of forced labour, such as the cleaning of refurbishment of an area.

Government workers in Burma regularly complain to authorities in Naypyidaw about mismanagement, workplace abuses and corruption in the workplace.

Reporting by Khin Hnin Htet

Webb’s pragmatism is long overdue

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Francis Wade

Aug 31, 2009 (DVB), The Burma sanctions debate is where progress could triumph over stalemate, but it is also where the two competing ideologies which dominate international policy to Burma are fought out.

The debate hit the headlines last week following an article by United States senator Jim Webb, who visited Burma this month, that suggested the US should ease "overwhelmingly counterproductive" sanctions on the country and begin to engage with the regime. "The ruling regime has become more entrenched and at the same time more isolated. The Burmese people have lost access to the outside world," he said.

It may well be the first pragmatic step in US policy to Burma, which appears thus far to have fixed on what can now only be seen as a symbolic gesture. Sanctions and isolation are not working, and Burma's political stalemate will only continue unless a change in direction is adopted. Whether in agreement with his stance or not, it is timely of Webb, a senator with considerable clout on Southeast Asian affairs, to reignite a discussion.

The sanctions debate is one that pits East against West, and opposition against incumbent. Burma's regional neighbours continue to engage with the country, resisting pressure from the United States and European Union to adopt an embargo. The business dimension is crucial for them, with Thailand relying on Burma for much of its energy, and China keen to exploit Burma's passage to the Bay of Bengal, and thus Middle Eastern oil routes, should the Straits of Malacca one day be blocked by the US.

On the other side of the table are the Western nations, who have largely followed a policy of isolating the regime and strangling its economy. This strategy promotes the notion that when the situation in Burma gets bad enough the ruling generals will be forced to reach out a hand. Yet more than a decade on, one of the world's most brutal military dictatorships continues to fester behind closed doors.

US senator Jim Webb's visit to Burma this month was the first for a senior US politician in over a decade. Behind the jubilation of John Yettaw's release and the bitterness that Aung San Suu Kyi remains in detention, it could turn out to be the key catalyst for change in US policy to the country, which even Secretary of State Hillary Clinton acknowledged in February had failed to shift the generals.

It is perhaps no coincidence that junta supremo Than Shwe's first meeting with a US politician was with Webb, one of the few senior Western politicians who is outspoken in his anti-sanctions stance. Webb's views are indeed heartening to the junta, who complain that sanctions are crippling the country's development and suffocating lives, all the while siphoning off its vast gas reserves to energy-hungry neighbours.

Webb is aware of this, but he is also aware that China's growing influence in Burma nullifies the impact of an economic boycott. China is to an extent content with the status quo in Burma, which allows military protection of its business interests and subservience to Beijing, and this relationship has only strengthened in tandem with tightening sanctions. With little tangible results, sanctions have been rendered a demonstration of the West's unhappiness with the regime.

What should worry the US is that Burma's reliance on its few allies has created stiff political competition for the West, which now has the spectre of growing Indian and Chinese influence in the country looming over any potential negotiation. Furthermore, what appear to be cosying relations with North Korea may well add another geopolitical dimension to the problem and further complicate US policy.

In is in this context that we must start to really tackle head-on Burma's political stalemate, and not rely on symbolic methods with highly questionable track records. Webb is the first to challenge what has become almost sacrosanct among Burma observers and the opposition movement , that the easing of sanctions is a reward to the generals, and not an authentic attack on the political stalemate there.

When debating future policy to Burma, the international community must weigh up the risks of continuing a tried, tested and failed policy versus implementing a new one with unpredictable results. While a cynic might suggest that US priorities lie in stemming Chinese dominance in the region, and not improvement in the lives of Burmese citizens, both could have the same end result. Sanctions are not only failing to rein the generals in, but are indeed pushing them in the wrong direction, into the hands of a growing superpower that places respect for human rights low on the political agenda. If this continues, Burma's political, social and economic freedom will remain among the most restricted in the world.

Webb’s pragmatism is long overdue

0

Francis Wade

Aug 31, 2009 (DVB), The Burma sanctions debate is where progress could triumph over stalemate, but it is also where the two competing ideologies which dominate international policy to Burma are fought out.

The debate hit the headlines last week following an article by United States senator Jim Webb, who visited Burma this month, that suggested the US should ease "overwhelmingly counterproductive" sanctions on the country and begin to engage with the regime. "The ruling regime has become more entrenched and at the same time more isolated. The Burmese people have lost access to the outside world," he said.

It may well be the first pragmatic step in US policy to Burma, which appears thus far to have fixed on what can now only be seen as a symbolic gesture. Sanctions and isolation are not working, and Burma's political stalemate will only continue unless a change in direction is adopted. Whether in agreement with his stance or not, it is timely of Webb, a senator with considerable clout on Southeast Asian affairs, to reignite a discussion.

The sanctions debate is one that pits East against West, and opposition against incumbent. Burma's regional neighbours continue to engage with the country, resisting pressure from the United States and European Union to adopt an embargo. The business dimension is crucial for them, with Thailand relying on Burma for much of its energy, and China keen to exploit Burma's passage to the Bay of Bengal, and thus Middle Eastern oil routes, should the Straits of Malacca one day be blocked by the US.

On the other side of the table are the Western nations, who have largely followed a policy of isolating the regime and strangling its economy. This strategy promotes the notion that when the situation in Burma gets bad enough the ruling generals will be forced to reach out a hand. Yet more than a decade on, one of the world's most brutal military dictatorships continues to fester behind closed doors.

US senator Jim Webb's visit to Burma this month was the first for a senior US politician in over a decade. Behind the jubilation of John Yettaw's release and the bitterness that Aung San Suu Kyi remains in detention, it could turn out to be the key catalyst for change in US policy to the country, which even Secretary of State Hillary Clinton acknowledged in February had failed to shift the generals.

It is perhaps no coincidence that junta supremo Than Shwe's first meeting with a US politician was with Webb, one of the few senior Western politicians who is outspoken in his anti-sanctions stance. Webb's views are indeed heartening to the junta, who complain that sanctions are crippling the country's development and suffocating lives, all the while siphoning off its vast gas reserves to energy-hungry neighbours.

Webb is aware of this, but he is also aware that China's growing influence in Burma nullifies the impact of an economic boycott. China is to an extent content with the status quo in Burma, which allows military protection of its business interests and subservience to Beijing, and this relationship has only strengthened in tandem with tightening sanctions. With little tangible results, sanctions have been rendered a demonstration of the West's unhappiness with the regime.

What should worry the US is that Burma's reliance on its few allies has created stiff political competition for the West, which now has the spectre of growing Indian and Chinese influence in the country looming over any potential negotiation. Furthermore, what appear to be cosying relations with North Korea may well add another geopolitical dimension to the problem and further complicate US policy.

In is in this context that we must start to really tackle head-on Burma's political stalemate, and not rely on symbolic methods with highly questionable track records. Webb is the first to challenge what has become almost sacrosanct among Burma observers and the opposition movement , that the easing of sanctions is a reward to the generals, and not an authentic attack on the political stalemate there.

When debating future policy to Burma, the international community must weigh up the risks of continuing a tried, tested and failed policy versus implementing a new one with unpredictable results. While a cynic might suggest that US priorities lie in stemming Chinese dominance in the region, and not improvement in the lives of Burmese citizens, both could have the same end result. Sanctions are not only failing to rein the generals in, but are indeed pushing them in the wrong direction, into the hands of a growing superpower that places respect for human rights low on the political agenda. If this continues, Burma's political, social and economic freedom will remain among the most restricted in the world.

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