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Regime steps up drone attacks on southern Shan and Karenni states

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The regime's air, drone and artillery strikes on Moebye and Pekon in southern Shan State, as well as Loikaw and Demoso in Karenni State, killed five civilians in February, according to the Karenni Nationalities Defence Force statement on March 4. (Credit: KNDF)

The People’s Defence Force (PDF) told DVB on Sunday that regime airstrikes carried out by Unmmaned Aerial Vehicles (UAV), and its deployment of “suicide drones,” have forced resistance groups to abandon an undisclosed number of military outposts it had seized in Moebye town of Pekon Township, southern Shan State.

“The military is escalating its offensive. Before, they used attack drones, but now they are using suicide drones,” said a PDF spokesperson in Moebye, located 100 miles (160 km) south of the Shan State capital Taunggyi and 11 miles (17 km) north of the Karenni State capital Loikaw. Pekon, located 25 miles (40 km) from Loikaw, is home to the Military Operations Command (MOC) headquarters 2 and 7.

A “suicide drone” is a UAV designed to carry explosives or other payloads and deliberately crash into a target, which will make it detonate upon impact.

“[The suicide drone] has the same configuration as a Chinese drone called the Sunflower 200 which itself is a copy of the Iranian Shahid 136 used across Ukraine [by Russia] over the last two years [of war],” Anthony Davis, a security analyst and consultant writer for Jane’s Defence Weekly, told DVB.

Southern Shan and Karenni-based resistance groups took control of several military outposts and Moebye after it launched an offensive against regime forces called Operation 1111 on Nov. 11, 2023. 

The regime launched a counteroffensive to retake control of Moebye on Nov. 14. Since then, five civilians have been killed and 11 have been injured by air, drone and artillery strikes carried out on Moebye and Pekon in southern Shan, as well as Loikaw and Demoso in Karenni, according to statement by the Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF) on March 4.

Both sides have suffered “heavy casualties” in fighting between resistance and regime forces, according to the PDF. It added that medical supplies and military equipment were urgently needed.

In 2024, the regime in Naypyidaw established a directorate specialized in drone warfare under its Ministry of Defence. It began deploying domestically manufactured drones to 12 of its 14 Regional Military Command (RMC) headquarters. 

The Arakan Army (AA) seized the Western RMC in Ann Township of Arakan State on Dec. 20, and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) captured the Northeastern RMC in Lashio Township of northern Shan State on Aug. 3.

The KNDF and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in Karenni and Kachin states have confirmed the use of suicide drones in attacks carried out by regime forces. Kyaukphyu and Sittwe township residents in Arakan State have reported drone strikes on the frontline and in civilian areas.

Regime announces elections during visit to Belarus; New round of sanctions on Myanmar from Canada

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Min Aung Hlaing and Belarus’ President Aleksandr Lukashenko held a press conference in the capital Minsk on March 6. (Credit: Regime media)

Regime announces elections during a visit to Belarus 

Regime media reported on Saturday that Min Aung Hlaing announced that elections in Burma could be held as early as this December or in January 2026, during a visit to Belarus on Friday. This is despite a regime announcement last year stating that elections would be tentatively held this November. Registered political parties told DVB they were instructed to prepare for polls in 110 out of 330 townships nationwide

“Due to electoral fraud in the 2020 election, we declared a state of emergency and have temporarily taken responsibility of the country. So, we will soon hold elections in accordance with the law. I would like to say that we are planning to hold free and fair elections at the earliest in December 2025 or January 2026,” said Min Aung Hlaing during his two-day visit to the Belarus capital Minsk on March 7. 

He added that a total of 53 political parties have registered with the regime’s Union Election Commission (UEC). Only nine of the 54 will compete nationwide, the UEC reported. Data collected by the regime in 145 townships during the 2024 census will be used to stage the elections. In the remaining 185 townships, only partial data was collected in 127 while no data was collected at all in 58.

Three Kachin Independence Army members detained in Kutkai

Kutkai Township residents told DVB that the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) detained three members from the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) during a raid on two of its liaison and local defense offices in Kutkai town of northern Shan State on Friday. Kutkai is 47 miles (75 km) north of the regional capital Lashio.

“TNLA forces are driving out KIA forces. They’re also removing equipment from the office,” a Kutkai resident told DVB. The KIA had been active in Kutkai before the TNLA and its ally, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), seized the town in January 2024. Tension between the KIA and both the TNLA and the MNDAA have been reported across northern Shan State.

Six civilians were killed by the MNDAA at a protest against gold mining operations in Monese village, 41 miles (66 km) northeast of Kutkai, on Wednesday. Among those killed were two members of the KIA in civilian clothing, according to residents. Eleven KIA members were injured by the TNLA in Mantong, which is 53 miles (85 km) northwest of Kutkai on Feb. 27.

New round of sanctions on Myanmar from Canada 

Justice for Myanmar welcomed additional sanctions from Canada on Friday against 13 individuals and three entities in Burma “for undermining the peace, security and stability of the country and contributing to gross human rights violations.” The previous round of sanctions imposed by Canada, included companies and individuals linked to importing aviation fuel to the military. 

“While Canada’s sanctions send a strong message to the junta, far more needs to be done to stop its campaign of terror,” said Yadanar Maung, the Justice for Myanmar spokesperson, “It’s been over four years since the military’s illegal coup attempt and the junta is continuing to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity, as Myanmar people courageously resist.” 

Canada’s latest round of sanctions include the Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 33, which allegedly perpetrated genocide against the Rohingya in 2017 and also killed peaceful anti-coup protestors in 2021. The 13 individuals named by Canada serve as the members of the regime. Justice for Myanmar called on Canada and its allies to expand sanctions to target the military’s source of funds, arms, equipment and aviation fuel.

Thinzar Shunlei Yi, an executive member of Sisters 2 Sisters, at International Women’s Day in Chiang Mai, Thailand on March 8. Check out our photo essay. (Credit: DVB)

News by Region

ARAKAN—Families in Sittwe Township told DVB that they want a halt to the fighting between the Arakan Army (AA) and regime forces during this year’s matriculation exams, which will be held March 17-22. Over 2,000 students are registered, including 699 in Sittwe, 834 in Kyaukphyu and 564 in Manaung townships.

“[The exams] will be held at 12 different centers in three townships. The location of the centers may change depending on security,” a source from the Arakan State Education Office told DVB. More than 18,000 students from nine townships in Arakan participated in the exam during the 2023-24 academic year.

Taungup Township residents told Narinjara News Agency that the AA had sealed off more than 30 homes belonging to individuals and families with alleged connections to the regime on March 6. Taungup is located 284 miles (457 km) south of the state capital Sittwe. It has been under AA control since Nov. 24. 

A Taungup resident said that one of the individuals targeted, who had his home sealed by the AA, owns a shipping dock and trading business which serves military interests. Lay Waddy FM reported that nearly 100 homes in Taungup and Maungdaw township of northern Arakan have been sealed by the AA.

MAGWAY—Pakokku Township residents told DVB that 14 male bus drivers ranging in age from 20 to 30 were arrested on the road leading to Yesagyo Township on Friday. Pakokku is located 105 miles (168 km) north of the region’s capital Magway. 

“Their family members have been told not to collect them for five days,” a Pakokku resident told DVB. A bus driver said that an unknown number of bus companies have temporarily halted operations following the arrests. Residents fear that the 14 men were arrested and face conscription under the military service law, which has been enforced since February 2024.

(Exchange rate: $1 USD = 4,430 MMK) 

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Accelerating gender equality at International Women’s Day

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Thinzar Shunlei Yi, an executive member of Sisters 2 Sisters, at International Women’s Day in Chiang Mai, Thailand on March 8. (Credit: DVB)

International Women’s Day was held in Chiang Mai, Thailand, on March 8 under the theme: “Accelerate Action for Gender Equality.”

“For women from Burma, we continue our theme, which is Our Sarong, Our Flag, and Our Victory,” said Nang Moet Moet, the general secretary at the Women’s League of Burma (WLB). “We are not only celebrating the achievements of the women’s movement, but as women from Burma we are challenging patriarchy.”

The rally and march began at Chiang Mai’s Tha Phae Gate and ended at the Three Kings Monument. Several Myanmar and Thai women’s groups participated, all united in the goal of demanding gender equality.

“This kind of march reminds us of intersectional feminism, which plays a key role in our feminism today,” said Thinzar Shunlei Yi, an executive member at Sisters 2 Sisters, a Myanmar women’s rights group.

Myanmar’s military junta and its regional neighbours as enablers

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A jetty for oil tankers on Madae island of Kyaukphyu Township, Arakan State, on Oct. 7, 2015. (Credit: Reuters)

Guest contributor

James Shwe

Throughout modern history, atrocities against civilians have consistently proven to be a failed strategy, leading to long-term defeat despite short-term tactical gains. 

The Myanmar military’s brutal “Four Cuts” strategy is no exception. While it has yielded some cynical short-term “successes,” it is ultimately a strategically flawed approach that mirrors historical failures. 

Compounding this tragedy is the complicity of regional powers like China, India, Thailand, Malaysia, and Bangladesh, whose actions not only enable the junta but also risk destabilizing the region and tarnishing their own reputations. 

Meanwhile, the democratic resistance in Myanmar remains under-supported by the international community, despite its critical role in restoring stability and justice.

Historical precedents of failed atrocity strategies

  1. Vietnam War (1955–1975): U.S. atrocities such as the My Lai Massacre alienated Vietnamese civilians, strengthened opposition forces, and eroded domestic support, contributing to America’s eventual withdrawal.
  2. Soviet-Afghan War (1979–1989): Soviet brutality against Afghan civilians galvanized resistance movements like the Mujahideen, leading to the USSR’s withdrawal and subsequent collapse.
  3. Iraq War (2003–2011): Civilian casualties from coalition forces fueled insurgency and sectarian violence, undermining U.S. objectives and destabilizing the region.

These examples demonstrate that targeting civilians often strengthens resistance movements, erodes legitimacy, and leads to strategic failure.

Myanmar’s military: Cynical “successes” and strategic myopia

The military’s campaign of terror has yielded some perverse short-term gains:

  1. Discrediting Aung San Suu Kyi: The military exploited the 2017 Rohingya crisis to tarnish Aung San Suu Kyi’s international reputation, paving the way for the 2021 coup by weakening global support for her leadership and the National League for Democracy (NLD).
  2. Re-Isolation from democratic nations: The junta has successfully re-isolated Myanmar from democratic countries while aligning itself with authoritarian allies like China, Russia, Thailand, and India—nations that prioritize economic or strategic interests over human rights.
  3. Forced returns of refugees: Regional countries like Thailand, Malaysia, and Bangladesh have deported thousands of Myanmar refugees—both Rohingya and non-Rohingya—back into junta-controlled territory. These forced returns bolster the junta’s conscription efforts by providing fresh recruits for its dwindling forces.
  4. Exploiting ethnic divisions: The junta has sought to pitch ethnic groups against one another to weaken opposition unity. Bangladesh’s alleged encouragement of Rohingya armed groups against the Arakan Army (AA) in Arakan (Rakhine) State further exacerbates these divisions and risks fueling prolonged conflict in an already volatile region.

Atrocities as acts of desperation

The Myanmar military’s atrocities against civilians are not only morally abhorrent but also clear signs of desperation. Confronted with growing resistance, mass defections, and dwindling legitimacy, the junta has turned to terrorizing the population in a futile attempt to maintain control. 

Yet, these brutal tactics have backfired, uniting opposition forces and deepening public outrage. Each act of violence further isolates the junta and accelerates its decline, proving that fear cannot substitute for legitimacy.

Destruction of urban centers: A self-defeating strategy

In response to resistance forces capturing urban areas, the military has unleashed indiscriminate airstrikes and artillery bombardments, leaving cities in ruins. This scorched-earth strategy has destroyed vital infrastructure, displaced thousands, and created a humanitarian crisis. 

However, rather than weakening the resistance, these actions have only strengthened opposition resolve and alienated urban populations. By targeting its own cities, the junta is not just losing territory—it is eroding any remaining support and hastening its own downfall.

The impossibility of isolation

The junta’s attempts to isolate Myanmar in a manner akin to North Korea are fundamentally flawed due to its geography and geopolitical significance:

  1. Porous borders: Myanmar shares long borders with five countries—China, India, Thailand, Laos, and Bangladesh—making complete isolation impractical.
  2. Extensive coastline: With nearly 2,000 kilometers of coastline along the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea, Myanmar is accessible by sea for trade and movement.
  3. Strategic transportation routes:
    • The China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC) connects Yunnan Province to the deep sea port in Kyaukphyu, Rakhine State.
    • The Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project links India’s northeastern states with Myanmar.
    • The India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway supports regional connectivity.

These factors make it impossible for Myanmar to achieve true isolation like North Korea. Instead, its geography ensures that instability within its borders will ripple outward across Southeast Asia.

Regional enablers: Complicity in a failed strategy

Despite historical evidence of failure and geographical realities, several regional powers continue enabling the junta:

  1. Thailand: It has deported over 2,000 refugees since 2023—including non-Rohingya groups fleeing persecution—violating international refugee law while maintaining economic ties with the junta.
  2. Malaysia: It has forcibly returned both Rohingya refugees and other ethnic nationalities fleeing violence back into junta-controlled territory—a betrayal of human rights principles that directly aids the junta’s conscription efforts.
  3. Bangladesh: By negotiating unsafe repatriation agreements for Rohingya refugees without addressing their security concerns or citizenship rights in Myanmar—and allegedly encouraging Rohingya armed groups against the AA—Bangladesh risks enabling further atrocities while destabilizing Rakhine State even further.
  4. India: It continues engaging with the junta under its Act East Policy while avoiding open support for democratic resistance forces like the National Unity Government (NUG).
  5. China: Through CMEC projects that devastate local environments while enriching both Beijing and the junta, China prioritizes short-term economic gains over regional stability or human rights.

The strategic costs of complicity

The actions of regional enablers are not only morally reprehensible but also strategically shortsighted:

  1. Strengthening resistance: Atrocities are unifying opposition forces like ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and People’s Defense Forces (PDFs).
  2. Regional destabilization: The forced return of refugees to Myanmar, where they face the grave risks of forced conscription, unjust imprisonment, torture, or even death, is not only morally reprehensible but also a blatant violation of international laws and norms. Beyond the immediate human toll, these forced repatriations threaten to destabilize the entire region. 
  3. Economic uncertainty: Myanmar’s ongoing instability poses a significant threat to major regional infrastructure projects such as the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor, the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project, and cross-border highways vital to regional trade and connectivity. Beyond the immediate logistical challenges, the lack of goodwill among Myanmar’s people—driven to desperation by military oppression—further jeopardizes these initiatives. Public resentment toward foreign-backed projects that benefit the junta risks fueling local resistance, sabotage, and unrest. The use of private security personnel to protect these projects exacerbates tensions, as such measures are often perceived as prioritizing corporate and foreign interests over local welfare. This approach not only deepens public hostility but also increases the likelihood of violent confrontations, further destabilizing the region. For these projects to succeed, stability and trust must be restored through inclusive governance and alignment with the aspirations of Myanmar’s people.
  4. Reputational damage: Nations complicit in enabling atrocities risk being remembered as collaborators in crimes against humanity – a stain that will endure for generations.

Imbalanced accountability measures

The international community’s response to Myanmar’s Rohingya crisis has been disproportionately focused on punitive measures while neglecting critical aspects of rehabilitation, reconciliation, and addressing the root causes of the conflict. 

1. Selective scrutiny: The AA is often accused of atrocities without thorough investigation, while the perspectives of AA and other ethnic groups are dismissed as unworthy of consideration. This lack of balanced scrutiny undermines efforts to understand the complexities of Myanmar’s conflict.

2. Punitive focus: The international community’s focus on punitive measures against Myanmar’s people, rather than supporting their democratic aspirations, risks alienating them further. The recent Argentine court arrest warrants for Myanmar leaders exemplify this trend, potentially repeating past mistakes where waning international support killed Myanmar’s budding democracy.

3. Ignoring local voices: The perspectives of Aung San Suu Kyi and the people of Myanmar are being swept aside in favor of external narratives. This oversight neglects the critical role that local voices play in shaping a sustainable peace process.

Accountability measures must be carefully calibrated to support, rather than hinder, the Myanmar people’s struggle for self-determination and liberation from military oppression. International efforts should prioritize empowering local voices, addressing root causes of conflict, and balancing punitive actions with initiatives for reconciliation and rehabilitation. 

This approach would ensure that accountability measures strengthen, rather than undermine, the democratic aspirations of Myanmar’s population. Without a comprehensive strategy that prioritizes rebuilding trust, ensuring justice for atrocities, and creating conditions for coexistence, these measures may inadvertently deepen divisions and prolong the suffering of both the Rohingya and Myanmar’s broader population.

A call for strategic reassessment

To avoid repeating historical mistakes—and to acknowledge Myanmar’s strategic importance—regional powers must:

  1. Cease all support for the junta, including financial ties and forced refugee returns.
  2. Engage with and support pro-democracy forces like the NUG and the Ethnic Resistance Organizations (EROs).
  3. Impose targeted sanctions on businesses profiting from junta ties.
  4. Demand environmental accountability from China for CMEC-related devastation.
  5. Facilitate humanitarian aid through cross-border networks bypassing junta control.
  6. Strengthen international mechanisms for accountability through bodies like the International Criminal Court (ICC), while prioritizing rehabilitation and reconciliation efforts without undermining the democratic aspirations of Myanmar’s population.

Learning from history

The Myanmar military’s atrocities against civilians are doomed to fail strategically—just as similar campaigns have failed throughout modern history. Attempts at isolating Myanmar are equally futile given its porous borders, extensive coastline, and role as a hub for regional connectivity projects like CMEC and the India-Myanmar-Thailand Highway.

Regional powers enabling this brutality are not only complicit in grave human rights violations but are also aligning themselves with a losing strategy that risks long-term instability across Southeast Asia. 

By reassessing their approach now—prioritizing human rights over short-term economic gains—they can help stabilize Myanmar while ensuring their own legacies are not defined by complicity in one of this century’s greatest moral failures.

The lessons of history are clear: atrocities against civilians lead to defeat—and enabling them leads to infamy. It is time for Myanmar’s military—and its enablers—to heed these lessons before it is too late for themselves as well as Southeast Asia at large.


James Shwe is a Myanmar democracy activist in the U.S. and is a member of the advocacy groups Free Myanmar and the Los Angeles Myanmar Movement. He has been trying to organize and motivate the Myanmar diaspora to advocate for democracy in Myanmar.

DVB publishes a diversity of opinions that does not reflect DVB editorial policy. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our stories: [email protected]

Burma Women’s Voices from the Revolution [book excerpt]

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This International Women’s Day, March 8, ALTSEAN Burma launched the book Burma Women’s Voices from the Revolution, which is a collection of writings by first-time writers from Myanmar. This book is a testimony to women’s resistance to military rule and control and against the oppression and sexual violence faced by women in militarized societies. (Credit: ALTSEAN Burma)

To My Master 

By Waso 

“Casper… If you don’t come, I will eat your food.” 

The section commander was at it again. Even though he would not actually eat the dog food, he always said the same thing whenever he called me for food. He never came up with anything new. I made a noise so that he would know that I was coming. 

“Hey, your feet are dirty with red soil. Don’t get on the mat,” said Comrade Thar Din, as if he was apologizing to me. I am not sure if it’s because he was a former monk and only later became a soldier, but he always speaks politely. Comrade, you should know that my Master had never allowed me to have even a speck of dust on my feet before we moved to the jungle. 

I looked at the rice with small pieces of bones that the comrades gave me, and I thanked them. Look at them, they always set aside some food for me, even though they don’t have enough meat for themselves. 

I was thinking about my life while eating. My master used to give me one meal from a pet food shop, and another meal of rice and curry that he would mix by himself. Once a week, he took me to the spa and had me cleaned. I never dreamed I would become a ragged dog with red dust on my brown fur like you see now. 

After I had my meal, I ran back to my Master. 

“Look at this dog. He runs off as soon as he finishes eating.” The section commander said these same words every day and I didn’t care what he said. But he kept repeating the same thing. 

The comrades didn’t complain that I stayed at the tree all day, where my Master was, and that they had to call me at mealtimes. They didn’t mind that I slept in their beds with my dirty feet. Sometimes, of course, they told me. But they already knew that even though they told me, I didn’t care. I only cared about my Master. I love them too. I love the children who always play with me. But I have to stay by my Master. I like how my Master would watch me fondly whenever I circle him with my tail wagging. I also like how people who passed by the tree where my Master and I were, would come and pet me and call out, “Casper, Casper.” 

“The plane is coming! The plane is coming!” 

A female soldier yelled as she carried me, running. I went with her quietly while I listened to the shortening of her breath. When the female soldier rushed, she squeezed me which hurt, but I didn’t dare to make a sound. I knew that pain is better than death. 

I knew where she was running. It was to the bunker. When I got closer to the bunker, I looked back. Master, as usual, was the last person to run to the bunker. That Master was always like that. Children and women came into the bunker first. Then, the men came in. Animals, like us, were dragged in by whoever encountered us. Today, thanks to the fast-running female soldier, I arrived at the bunker early. When everybody was there, I heard the sound of heavy weapons “banging” outside. The bunker was shaking. We were shaking. I heard the strong heartbeat of the female soldier who held me. 

After a while, everything went back to normal in the bunker. As usual, the soldiers would talk to each other, laughing about who ran and slipped. Running into the bunker became a daily routine. People were scared when they first ran, but once the situation calmed down, they started talking normally, and everything seemed normal. When they came out of the bunker, they were teasing Comrade Thar Din, who used to get scared whenever the plane came. 

“Aren’t you ashamed that the media will write about you as a comrade who died while shitting his pants? Today’s news media is even reporting that soldiers have scabies. They’ll write about you shitting yourself and that you have scabies.” 

The comrades were laughing loudly. Comrade Thar Din was also laughing and whispering, “I don’t have any scabies.” Then, I remembered my Master as I was hanging around them with my tail wagging. When I look towards the tree, as usual, Master was sitting by the tree. 

As I ran to my Master, I complained to him. “Why are you always last when the bomb drops? Why didn’t Master run? Master, do you know how worried I am?” 

“Hey, Casper. You are too noisy. You are small, but very loud when you bark!” a comrade yelled. I stopped barking. My Master smiled at me as usual. 

My Master is quiet by nature. He doesn’t talk much. I arrived at his house because his mother brought me there. She bought me as a gift for my Master, and I still remember him smiling and taking me. My Master is one who smiles only with his eyes. After a while, the Master knew what I want when he looked at me. When I looked at my Master, I also realized what he wanted. As much as I was playing and running, the Master was calm. The reason why I often said that he was stable was that the Master was the calmest and coolest person I had ever met. Even comrade Thar Din, who was a former monk, was not as stable as my Master. I was really not happy that such a cool and good Master was living in the jungle suffering as a comrade. My Master was someone who deserved to find happiness where he belonged. It was same for the other comrades. 

Today, the meal is noodle soup. I had meat yesterday, and I was satisfied. I don’t mind having noodle soup for the whole of next week. Do you know that my comrades have not eaten meat for about a week? So yesterday, they were eager for a hearty meal. Comrade Soe was so full, he ended up vomiting. When he did, I felt bad about the meat that had gone to waste.  

How is your meal, Master? I know that your eyes are telling me that you are fine. But you know I want to ask you every day if you’re okay. Don’t worry about me. You know that I am always happy, right? Even you who was so reserved, opened up because of me. Don’t be shy. I will not tell others. You only live fully when we, two people, are alone with each other. Actually, not two people, I mean a man and a dog. You did what you wouldn’t do in front of others. Awww don’t get me wrong. I mean you sing and dance in front of me. I know you very well… 

“Casper, come and take your little brother!” 

When the conversation is going well, they always do this. As soon as I hear the word ‘little brother,’ I’m already running. 

“Look at this guy, he can’t control himself whenever he hears ‘little brother’, ‘food’, or ‘going down the mountain’. Look at his style of running. Do you actually understand human speech? Come on, give me a big hug. I love you. Tell me if you love me. Here is your little brother. Will you still run to that tree when I let you go? I won’t let you go. I will hug you tight. I’ll keep you close!” 

When I play with comrade Pi Si, he loves it if I pretend to bite his hand and lick it with my tongue. Comrade Pi Si loves me very much. He calls himself Ko Gyi (elder brother) and he kisses and hugs me from time to time. He travels frequently, so he is not always at the camp, but every time he comes back to the camp, he always brings something for me. ‘My little brother,’ which he said was Casper, the ghost doll from the cartoon movie. The doll is made of cotton. I held the white doll in my mouth and ran back with it to my Master. 

Master, do you remember? When Master first bought me a Casper doll, I destroyed it, so you bought another one right away. I also bit and destroyed that one too. I stopped biting the third doll because I didn’t want to bite it anymore. Some visitors to your house said that I didn’t bite my Casper doll and maybe this was because we both looked alike. At that time, you looked at me half laughingly, telling with your eyes that the guests didn’t know the story that I had already destroyed the first two dolls. We had brought the third doll up to this camp. Two weeks ago, the toy was destroyed in the bombing, so now comrade Pi Si bought me another one. 

So, this one is the fourth one. Tonight, I’m going to sleep hugging this doll. You are happy too, right Master? I know that you are also happy even if you don’t say it out loud. 

“Planes are coming… Hey, Mya! Check the children, dogs, and cats. Make sure no one is left behind. Run. Quickly run!” 

When I heard the comrades yelling about the planes coming, I ran to the section commander and woke him up. While the section commander was shouting orders, he handed me to Ma Mya. This time, there were several planes. The comrades were in the trench arguing about the planes. It was around midnight and they were arguing about what they saw, and it was quite noisy.  

“It was a Mig-29. Don’t you see two exhausts?” 

“No, there was only one exhaust. It must be a Thunder. Didn’t you see?” 

“There are two exhausts, and two tails too. I saw them with my own eyes.”  

“Thar Gyi, there was only one exhaust and one tail. Don’t bluff. There was a triangle on the tail, very obvious.” 

Aww comrades, why are you all arguing? If we are hit by a bomb, we will die no matter what kind of plane it is. I just realized that my Master hasn’t arrived yet. The louder the noise outside, the more worried I became. 

“Hey there, Casper. He is going near the entrance of the bunker. Someone, take him. Give him to someone in the corner. Give him to Ma Mya over there. Ma Mya can hold him while she sleeps.” 

The comrades are very good at choosing people. I, who often want to run to the entrance of the bunker, will only be quiet with Ma Mya. Ma Mya can hold on tightly to anything that gets into her hands. Even the section commander could not get away from her. While I was sleeping beside Ma Mya, I woke up to check if it was my Master whenever I heard any sounds. But I couldn’t get up as Ma Mya didn’t let me go, though she relaxed her grip a little when I moved… 

Ma Mya was preparing mutton curry and rice for me, a birthday donation from a civilian supporter. She looked at me fondly while I wagged my tail around her. 

“Son, are you hungry? Mom is still mixing the food. So, wait a minute. I will give my son a lot of meat today.” 

Ma Mya not only mixes my food and gives it to me, but she also enjoys watching me eat, smiling as I do so. 

“The plane is here. The plane is here, hey!” 

When I heard the plane, I jump onto Ma Mya. Ma Mya carries me and runs to the trench. When I tried to look back between her arms, I saw my Master standing beside the tree. The plane was heading straight for the tree where he stood. While running, Ma Mya’s grip relaxed a little as I was moving, and her body shook. The plane was approaching the tree. Master! Master! 

I jumped out of Ma Mya’s arms and ran towards my Master, leaving all the sounds of comrades and Ma Mya behind. “Oh! Casper. Casper. Casper escaped!” 

“Run, Ma Mya, run. Don’t stop. One of the comrades from the back will bring Casper.” 

While I was running, I hear “Bang!” the sound of an explosion in my ears, and my whole body went up in the air. When I fell back, my Master caught me and held me in his hands. 

My Master could hold me. Look! I could also touch my Master. When I licked the face of my Master, my Master laughed loudly. It was a very happy moment when I looked at my Master laughing. His touch was very soft as he stroked my fur with his hands.  

—– 

“Casper…. My dear… How can I bear this, my son.”  

The comrades soothed Ma Mya, who was crying, holding my dead body. Children were also crying. Don’t cry, Ma Mya. Don’t cry, children. Hah, comrade Soe and comrade Thar Din. I am here. I am with my Master. Comrades, don’t cry. I just now realized how much you love me. I thank you all. The spirits of me and my Master will always be here at the tree. You can come to the tree when you miss us. You also should take care of yourselves. And by the way, please also take care of my little doll brother, Casper… 


Waso is currently working as an editor and producer at Federal FM Radio. She produces audio stories, programs like The Voice of Women Revolutionaries, Mine Risk Podcasts, Look to the Sky Podcasts, children’s storytelling programs, and radio interviews. Additionally, she has written stories to raise awareness about the dangers of landmines, unexploded ordnance, and airstrikes. 

The story To My Master is based on the experiences of revolutionary fighters in Karenni State. The dog Casper, who inspired this story, is still residing in Karenni at present. 

String 

By Pyar Tho 

“Hey, you two haven’t made the bed yet? It’s already half past nine.” 

“Ma, if you want to sleep, you can do it yourself. Thee (we) are not sleepy yet.” 

The two of them answered my question at the same time, they didn’t even look at me. My twin sisters were both passionately reading a comic book. Just when they were about to finish primary school, COVID-19 broke out, and schools were closed. The schools only opened again after the pandemic when they were about to start middle school, but then there was a coup d’état and they could not go back to school again for a year.  

Our mother was against the military coup and joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). She thought that not going to school was an act of resistance against the military, so when school had reopened, as a member of the CDM, my mother refused to send them to school.  

Instead, she sent them to receive private tuition and told them to continue with their education. In the afternoon, they had to join an English class, so the two of them watched a movie in the evening or just read cartoons. Unlike other kids, they were not allowed to use mobile phones for a long time due to my mother’s prohibition. My uncle sometimes brought in collections of old cartoons and journals. On those days, you can’t split the two of them up, they would read a comic book head-to-head. Sometimes, when the light went out, they still read by lighting a candle. Once, they burned their pillow. 

“If you come and sleep only after I have made the bed, I will fight you,” I said impatiently and walked to the back of the house. I felt their gaze on my back. As usual, I’m sure they would be staring at me like they had never done anything wrong. 

It had been a busy day since I had to spend more time at work in the early days of the month, concluding the work of the previous month. After the busy day and overtime at work, when I came back home, the buses were overly crowded. I couldn’t get on the bus from Sule to South Okkalapa, so I had to take the bus via North Okkalapa. I really struggled with being tired, so I had to hold myself together to get back home. I had planned to go to bed as soon as I got home, but when I got there, I found out the twins had not even made the bed.  

“Mom, do you see? Your two daughters don’t even make the bed by themselves if I don’t do it for them. Even though I come home so tired, I still have to do these things for them. It makes me so angry.” I was frustrated and complained to my mom in the kitchen. I believed she would tell me to forgive them. 

“They got new comic books, didn’t you see that when you came in? I don’t know where they got them. They were reading and laughing. They didn’t even have dinner.”  

Although my mother told me to shower and then come and have dinner, I just wanted to shower and then go to bed as fast as possible. Few people were outside on the streets due to the 8:00 p.m. curfew imposed after the coup. We frequently heard news that the military had shot drivers who were found on the street after 8:00 p.m. Besides that, in less crowded areas, people were being killed and cars being looted if they were with the cars. Those without cars often faced beatings and had their phones and money stolen. So, even when the military announced that the curfew order had been lifted, people were still not leaving their houses after nine o’clock and went to bed at around 10. 

When I went into the room to make the bed, the twins were not there. I could hear their voices whispering and laughing in front of the house. So, the twins were in front of the house then. They would often fight each other for many different reasons, but when watching a movie or after getting a comic book, the two would get along very well. Now, I don’t know when they will fight again. 

I dusted the mattress and smoothed it out for the bed sheet. A small yellow tube of paint fell out with a clinking sound. I use oil paint for painting, but why was this tube here? Thinking carefully, I picked up the tube and saw that it was thin and crooked. I remembered that I had bought a new box of oil paints yesterday and rummaged through the paint tubes in the corner of the room. But I didn’t see a yellow tube. I looked for it between my paintings but again, I couldn’t find it. Right, it must be the twins.  

Paintings – I love painting. Because my Papa is a painter, others say that I follow a legacy. I really like to paint alone. When my Papa looked at my paintings, he would praise them and tell me what needed to be corrected. As for the twins, ever since they were young, they copied everything I did. Papa would often smile and say, “It’s just the twins, daughter. They are just doing what you are doing, they are not really interested.” But it doesn’t matter what they think, my new tube of paint was gone. I had to call the younger one. My younger sister could not keep secrets, so the ringleader must be the older one. She was quite secretive and would always say that they didn’t do anything, or they didn’t know. I was sure she would deny it. 

“The black short person, Gotakala. Hehe, It must be about Ma.” 

“Yes. Hehehe.” I could clearly hear the two whispering and laughing. They called me “Ma.” Twins don’t use their pronoun as “we,” they often use their pronoun as “Thee”. They also don’t call me “sister”. Instead, they call me “Ma.” They are seven years younger than me, but this year when they turned fourteen, they were the same height as me, but my skin is darker than theirs. When others talked about how dark I was compared to them, they tried to protect me and they fought for me. But now, they called me short and dark-skinned. When I had found out they had used up the whole new tube of expensive paint, that wouldn’t have made me angry. But now, when I heard them making fun of me, I got angry. 

“Hey, you two, I heard all you said! What about the dark-skinned, short person? You two used up my paint, right?” 

As soon as they heard me yelling, the squealing and laughter outside stopped. Mom ran out of the kitchen wondering what had happened. 

“Who said that, Ma? We didn’t say.” 

I was not sure if it was the older or younger one. One of them was shouting from in front of the house. It was a voice of a person who didn’t want to admit what they had done, even though they had been caught redhanded. I felt like the younger girls were trying to fool the older sister. I was getting angry. 

“You guys are screaming at half past ten at night, amid bad times!” My mother told us to stop, she was half-yelling and half trying to solve the problem. 

“The two need to go to sleep. You should be more understanding of your sister who is tired from work. You are not children anymore. Tomorrow, make your own bed. Up until now, your sister has had to do everything. When you are reading cartoons, I can’t ask you to do anything. You change clothes three times a day – not only one, but both of you. You two also eat more than others…” 

After yelling at them, my mother went into her room. I didn’t know if she had been planning to scold them about all this anyway or if she had yelled at them on my behalf. She continued muttering in her room. Although I was angry, I finished making the bed. In the past, I had to carry the twins one by one to the bed after making it. Sometimes, they pretended to fall asleep, then they would shout “hey…” and run out of the room after I put them on the bed. It made me very angry when they did this. This time, after I switched off the light and tried to go to sleep, the twins quietly came into the room. 

“Hey, I’ve already told two of you not to sleep with me. Go. Don’t sleep on the bed I made,” I told them. 

“Whatever! We will sleep here anyway.” 

“What’s wrong with sleeping in our bed?” The twins said one after another. I didn’t know if it was because I was so tired, but that day I was more irritable. It seemed like I wanted to beat both of them. My angry tears spilled over onto the furry toys next to me. I bought those dolls as birthday presents for the twins’ birthdays. I grabbed the dolls and tore them apart, then pulled out the cotton wool as I got more and more angry. On the bed, the dolls and cotton wool, which were ripped open, were scattered. If it wasn’t for these dolls, I would have beaten them both. They were the same size as me, but they’ve never fought back. I knew that if I beat them, they would just let me. But I didn’t want to do it, so I took out my anger on the dolls instead. The two twins were looking at each other with openmouthed surprise. Suddenly, they didn’t know what to do and lost their composure. They were nearly crying. 

“Mother, Papa, Ma has torn the dolls!” they cried and ran out of the room. I could hear crying outside and then heard Mom and Papa trying to soothe them. But later, I fell asleep hearing no more coaxing voices. At dawn, I woke up alone in bed. It seemed that the twins did not come back to the room that night but slept in Mom and Papa’s room. The sun was already quite high, but it was my day off which meant I could sleep in luxury until now. If I was with the twins, I wouldn’t have been able to sleep in until then. Usually, when they woke up, they looked at each other’s faces and laughed for no reason. When they did that, how could the person next to them could continue to sleep? 

I was still in primary school when they were born. Because there were two children born at the same time, both my parents had to take care of them. That meant Mom and Papa couldn’t send me to school anymore. But, as it was not far from home and was on the same road, when I walked to school, Papa often stood in front of the house holding my younger sisters until I entered the campus. 

Before, I slept alone in this room. Then one day, when they were in fourth grade, they came to my room, saying that they would no longer sleep with our mother. At first, I thought they would come and sleep for one or two days. The next day, they brought their clothes and said they would stay here. That’s when I had to say goodbye to my single bed. My mother sold the bed and bought a thin mattress for the three of us to sleep on together. I had to lay out the bedding, dust the mattress, and put the pillow in their place, so I could no longer throw myself on the bed like before. From that day on, I had the job of making the bed and putting it back in the morning and carefully sticking it in the corner of the room. 

I had the extra work of keeping my things and valuables safe. If I forgot something and left it lying around, it will be lost or destroyed. If I asked carefully, I could still identify the perpetrator when they were young. Now, the two are teaming up and trying to keep secrets. Because our bodies are similar in size, if I buy something, they both also want it. If I buy something for myself and not for them, both of them would be unhappy. Even if I wanted to buy a blouse, I would have to save up money and buy one each for the three of us. I started buying three pieces of everything. One good thing about both of them is that I could keep my beauty products safe. I bought cosmetics for us all. Although they knew that the cosmetics I used were more expensive than theirs, they never tried to use mine. I should thank them for that. 

When I got up to clean the bed, there was some cotton wool next to me. Yes, of course. Last night, I tore apart the twins’ dolls and threw the cotton wool around. I thought about it and felt sad. At night, I was angry, so I did those things in a blind rage. Did they clean up the broken dolls? I don’t know if Mom and Papa had cleared it up, but they were no longer in the bed. 

I got out of bed, washed my face, brushed my teeth, and sat at the dining table. Three packets of sticky rice were on the table. As my mother poured the tea, she told me about how the twins cried so much last night that they couldn’t sleep. They packed the broken dolls in a plastic bag and placed it near the dining table. They said that they would sew the dolls by themselves. 

I took one sticky rice packet on the dining table. 

“Who’s left to eat, mother?” I asked 

“Twins,” said my mom. I divided the sticky rice from my package into two parts and set aside half for myself. I divided the other half equally and put it in the packages that the twins would eat. I can’t even finish a regular packet of sticky rice, so I usually give the twins half of mine. They are happy when they see a lot of sticky rice in their pack. They can eat it all. Sometimes I ate all my share and didn’t share it with them, then they got angry. 

“Are the twins not awake yet?” I asked. 

“They have been awake for a long time. They got up early and went out with your Papa to queue for oil,” my mother said while putting an egg into the fried beans. Right, it had been announced that the cooking oil truck would come today. The twins woke up before 7 a.m. to line up with Papa. At 9 a.m., the oil truck had arrived, so my mother said that they would be back shortly. She continued about the fact that people couldn’t even buy palm oil in the market, the cooking oil was only available for 4500 kyat if they queued. Some of them stood in line and resold what they bought for 4500 kyat for 8000 kyat. While cooking, my mother kept saying that she would buy good rice even though she couldn’t buy good quality oil. The price of cooking oil in shopping malls was already above tens of thousands per liter. 

Manual laborers and wage earners like us must buy cheap palm oil. At the moment, because the price of palm oil had gone up, the army was controlling the market, and the cooking oil trucks were selling it at low prices. People had to bring the household list to the ward administration office to get a token card. After this, we had to queue to buy the oil with that card. Although one card was for one household, some people who could afford to buy with the market price didn’t take the card, or gave the cards to their neighbors. We also got a card from the house next door, so, Papa had one card and the twins had one card when they lined up to buy the oil. The staff at the ward office didn’t need a card to buy oil, but she had 5-viss containers of oil at her house. That makes you think about how corrupt the situation is. From staring at my mother’s back while she was cooking, my eyes turned to the clock on the wall. It was already 9 o’clock. I finished drinking the rest of the tea that was left in the cup, then stood up from the dining table, picking up the bag of broken dolls. 

“Hey, what are you going to do now?” my mother asked me in a worried manner. 

I answered, “the twins are coming back soon. I will sew their dolls before they come back.” 


Pyar Tho is serving as an editor and producer at Federal FM Radio. She has been involving in broadcasting programs such as One-Minute Federal and Radio Edu. At present, she is producing programs including the Youth Line Podcast, radio dramas, Islamic Teachings, radio interviews, and children’s storytelling programs, as well as diarythemed shows. “String” is based on her personal experience. The characters in the story are currently living in Myanmar.


This International Women’s Day, ALTSEAN Burma launched a groundbreaking book called Burma Women’s Voices from the Revolution, which is a collection of writings by first-time writers from Myanmar. This new book is a powerful testimony to women’s resistance to military rule and control and against the oppression and sexual violence faced by women in militarized societies.

Organization of Islamic Cooperation Special Envoy on Myanmar visits Bangladesh

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Former Egyptian diplomat and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation Special Envoy on Myanmar, Ibrahim Khairat, visited Rohingya refugees in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, on Feb. 18. (Credit: Ibrahim Khairat)

The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) Special Envoy on Myanmar Ibrahim Khairat visited Bangladesh last month to meet with its interim government in Dhaka and Rohingya living in refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar to discuss plans for repatriation to Myanmar.

“The OIC, the U.N., and regional powers must push for humanitarian protections while also recognizing that Rohingya should not be forced into taking sides in a war that has nothing to do with their struggle for rights and recognition,” Shafiur Rahman, an independent journalist covering the Rohingya, told DVB. 

The OIC, founded in 1969, is an intergovernmental body that promotes cooperation among Islamic countries and protects Muslim interests, such as the plight of the Rohingya in Bangladesh.

Over one million Rohingya live in refugee camps after fleeing violence perpetrated by Myanmar’s military against civilians in northern Arakan State in 2017. It was described as a “textbook example” of ethnic cleansing by the U.N. and a genocide by the U.S.

The OIC has supported The Gambia’s case against Myanmar for the alleged crime of genocide against the Rohingya at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in December 2019. Several countries including Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, the U.K., and the Maldives have joined the case against Myanmar.

“The OIC cannot afford to compromise its standing by engaging with figures aligned with the very forces oppressing the Rohingya. It cannot support a genocide case at the ICJ while simultaneously hobnobbing with Myanmar’s military proxies in Bangladesh,” said Rahman, referring to photos Khairat shared on social media during his visit to Cox’s Bazar on Feb. 18. 

Rahman reported in the Dhaka Tribune that Khairat was seen in the photos with individuals believed to have links to the regime in Myanmar, which seized power after the 2021 military coup, and the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO), which is an armed group operating along the Myanmar-Bangladesh border.

“The recent meeting in Bangladesh undermines both the credibility of the OIC and the integrity of those who facilitated it,” added Rahman.

The OIC has yet to clarify the meeting’s purpose. Reuters reported that the RSO fought alongside Myanmar’s military against the Arakan Army (AA) in Arakan State last year.

The AA seized the regime’s Military Operations Command (MOC) 15 in Maungdaw Township of northern Arakan on Dec. 8. Its commander Thurein Tun was detained along with regime troops, which included about 80 Rohingya, according to the AA.  

Human Rights Watch reported in April that the military had kidnapped and forcibly conscripted over 1,000 Rohingya males from various parts of Arakan since it enforced its military conscription law in February 2024.

The Rohingya have been denied citizenship in Myanmar under the 1982 Citizenship Law and don’t have freedom of movement in the country.

During his visit to Bangladesh, Khairat met with Foreign Secretary Ambassador Md Jashim Uddin at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Dhaka on Feb. 16.

He told the interim government that the OIC would play a role in what is being called the “U.N. high-level conference on the situation of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar,” scheduled for later this year.

This high-level meeting on the Rohingya has been touted by the Bangladesh interim government Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus as a plan for a sustainable resolution to the crisis. Dhaka has requested the inclusion of Rohingya repatriation to Myanmar in the OIC Ten-Year Plan of Action (2026-2035).

Khairat is a former diplomat from Egypt.

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