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The Rohingya exodus from Maungdaw in northern Rakhine State

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Maungdaw Township in northern Arakan State seen from the Naf River along the Burma-Bangladesh border. (Credit: Reuters)

Guest contributor

Shafiur Rahman

Starting on Aug. 7, a large portion of the Rohingya population of Maungdaw Township was forcibly evacuated by the Arakan Army (AA) under the pretext of civilian protection. 

The conflict between the AA and the military had turned this once-bustling border town into a battleground. The AA claimed the displacement was necessary to safeguard civilians, yet for the tens of thousands of Rohingya uprooted from their homes, it has been a devastating calamity. 

Food shortages, forced recruitment, indiscriminate shelling, and a complete breakdown in medical care and basic services forced many to undertake perilous journeys to Bangladesh.

The vanishing enclave

Maungdaw, located in northern Arakan (Rakhine) State, once represented a remaining stronghold for Rohingya life in Myanmar. After successive waves of violence in 2016 and 2017 drove more than 700,000 Rohingya to flee, the town of Maungdaw and a few nearby villages became the last enclaves where Rohingya communities tried to maintain some semblance of normalcy. 

But when the AA’s fight for control of Rakhine escalated, they shut down supply routes and launched new offensives in these areas. By August 2024, another exodus of Rohingya from Maungdaw was underway.

The strangling blockade

For families in Maungdaw, warning signs appeared long before August. Harun, 21, a Rohingya shop owner and resident of Nolboinna village in Maungdaw, recalls how the AA’s blockade on supply routes drove up prices of essential commodities to astronomical levels. 

“Before the blockade, a 50-kilogram bag of rice cost around 20,000 kyats. By June or July, the same sack had skyrocketed to 100,000 kyats,” he said. “Within weeks, we couldn’t afford even the basics. People began to ration every grain of rice.”

Other goods, such as cooking oil, fish, and vegetables, also became scarce or prohibitively expensive. Families struggled to feed themselves, sometimes surviving on a fraction of their usual intake. 

“Normally, we used one kilogram of fish to feed our family,” Harun explained. “But we had to cut it down to 250 grams. Often, we couldn’t afford any fish at all, or we had no means to buy vegetables.”

Displacement in waves

As the AA and government forces clashed, many Rohingya in Maungdaw found themselves trapped in a cycle of forced displacement. Harun had to flee repeatedly – first to the eastern side of Nolboinna, then to Noya Fara, and finally to Hari Fara – two villages on the outskirts of Maungdaw. 

“We never knew when the next attack would come,” Harun said. “At one point, we heard [Rakhine] had entered our area. We ran with only the clothes on our backs. My mother died in Hari Fara. Even then, we hardly had time to bury her properly before moving again.”

This constant flight took a heavy toll on families. They risked bombardment at every turn, and even when they reached a new location, the next offensive or threat of violence forced them to move on. 

“We were always on edge,” Harun added. “No matter where we went, bombs were falling. People died in front of us. Some died in the street, some at home, and some by the beach while trying to escape. Every place was dangerous.”

Living in darkness

Well before the forced evacuation, the Rohingya in Maungdaw had been plunged into literal darkness. Electricity was cut off four months before August, leaving families reliant on candles, kerosene lamps, or solar panels, if they were fortunate enough to own one. 

“Most people did not have solar panels. They couldn’t afford them or couldn’t carry them once the bombings started,” Harun recalled.

Communication networks went down around the same time. Phones and the internet became useless. “We couldn’t call anyone, couldn’t check on our relatives,” Harun said. “If someone died or needed help, there was no way to share the information.” 

As a result, even news of major life events, like births or deaths, failed to reach extended families. “My relatives didn’t know my mother had died until we reached Bangladesh,” he added.

No safety, no shelter

Indiscriminate shelling made every inch of Maungdaw a potential death trap. Some families attempted to reinforce their homes with sandbags or brick walls; others dug small bunkers in their yards. Yet no measure guaranteed safety. 

“We lived in fear of bombs hitting us indoors,” Harun said. “But we were also too afraid to go outside. It didn’t matter if you were in your house or in the street—you could be killed at any moment.”

An anonymous survivor from Guna Fara village in Maungdaw described how he and his family huddled in a makeshift well-like hole in their yard. 

Standing for hours in dirty water led to skin infections, but it was the only way they felt even marginally safer from the drone attacks that rained overhead. 

When food ran out, he attempted a dangerous crawl back to his home to retrieve rice.

“It should’ve been a ten-minute walk,” he said, “but it took two hours as I crawled through bushes to avoid being spotted by drones. I managed to get 20 kilograms of rice, but on my way back, the drones attacked our group. Thirteen people died in front of my eyes.”

Scarce water and medical neglect

As the conflict intensified, water sources became scarce and often contaminated. Ponds, tube wells, and mud wells, once lifelines in this rural area, were either unreachable or dried out from overuse. 

“You can’t imagine how many people were sharing one tube well,” Harun said. “We had to queue for hours to fill even a single pot. Sometimes, if the pump was broken, we had no choice but to drink from mud wells.”

Medical care was virtually nonexistent. “For almost one and a half months before August, there was no access to treatment,” Harun explained. 

Injuries that might have been treatable with first aid proved fatal without antibiotics, bandages, or medical supervision. “People would bleed to death from shrapnel. I saw many die because they couldn’t get help in time,” he said.

Some, like the anonymous survivor, sought medical help from the military after being hit by drone fragments. Surprisingly, he was granted basic treatment, though his family was not allowed to accompany him. 

The rest of Maungdaw’s Rohingya, however, did not receive such assistance, and by the time people attempted to flee to Bangladesh, many were gravely wounded or already nearing starvation.

Forced out by violence

The AA’s role in displacing the Rohingya was explicit. They entered villages and forced residents to leave. Harun recalled how the AA also began targeting youth for forced recruitment. 

“We heard they were capturing young men and keeping them in their territory,” he said. “Out of fear, and because of the bombings, we had no choice but to move toward the beach and try to cross into Bangladesh.”

Omar Khaled’s testimony takes it a step further, detailing abductions and systematic torture by the AA. 

“They took us to a place called 4 Miles in Maungdaw,” he said. “We were blindfolded and handcuffed. We saw them drive nails into people’s feet, insert pipes into bodies to drain blood. Some were slaughtered outright.”

Omar describes how detainees were given just enough food to stay alive, and in some cases, forced to eat dog meat under threat. “If they refused, they were beaten.”

The violence escalated again on Sept. 9 when the military carried out an airstrike on the AA detention site where Omar was held. “Room 7 was hit directly – children, women, and even some AA soldiers died. I only survived because I was in Room 10.”

Collapsing livelihoods

The chaos in Maungdaw destroyed most families’ livelihoods well before they physically fled. Harun had a modest shop and owned livestock – 65 buffaloes plus goats. 

“All were seized by the Arakan Army. I couldn’t argue with them,” he said. “I lost my shop, the money I’d invested, and eventually, my mother and my aunt.”

With the markets shut down and supply routes blocked, many people resorted to borrowing money or food from relatives and neighbors who had slightly more resources.

“We borrowed a sack of rice here, a bit of money there,” Harun recalled. “Sometimes, the person lending us food needed it just as badly. It was all out of desperation.”

A desperate exodus

By mid-August, the combined pressures of bombing, forced displacement, and fear of abduction made survival in Maungdaw untenable. 

Harun and his remaining family members finally decided to leave on Aug. 25. “We saw so many people killed by bombs at the beach,” he said. “Over 300 bodies lay there, perhaps 500.”

They paid boat owners all the money they had, often supplemented with whatever jewellery the women were wearing. Harun’s father and some of his siblings were abducted by dacoits upon landing in Bangladesh, while Harun himself was intercepted by the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) and temporarily held. 

After days of confusion, pushbacks, and paying ransoms to brokers or dacoits, the family was eventually reunited. “We paid 100,000 [taka] to free my father and one sister,” Harun says. “Another 80,000 [taka] for my two other sisters.”

Omar’s journey mirrored these hardships. After surviving torture, he escaped in chains, stumbling through the jungle for days. Local villagers helped cut off his shackles, and eventually he too reached Maungdaw’s coast to board a boat for Bangladesh. 

Interception by the BGB led to pushback to Myanmar, but with the help of brokers, at a steep cost, he managed to cross into Bangladesh.

Life on the edge

Reaching Bangladesh hardly signaled the end of suffering. The Rohingya face a new set of hardships in overcrowded refugee camps, with limited access to healthcare, sanitation, and opportunities to earn a living. 

For many, it feels like an endless cycle of persecution: driven out by one hostile group, only to find themselves unwelcome or exploited elsewhere.

Even more troubling is the fact that Maungdaw, the last significant Rohingya enclave in Myanmar, stands substantially emptied. While not everyone has left Maungdaw, large parts of this historically significant enclave now lie deserted. 

Some estimates suggest that less than a quarter of the original population may still remain, though exact figures are difficult to confirm. Having already lost entire villages in 2016 and 2017, the Rohingya have now lost what remained of their homeland in Maungdaw town. 

“We never expected to leave,” Harun admitted. “But we had no other choice. When bombs destroy your home and your mother dies in front of you, you run.”

Harun, Omar, and the anonymous survivor each represent a fragment of a much larger tragedy. Their stories echo the experiences of countless others who have lost homes, loved ones, and any sense of security. 

In the hush that has fallen over Maungdaw, the Rohingya’s future in Myanmar appears more precarious than ever.


Shafiur Rahman is a journalist and documentary maker. He writes the Rohingya Refugee News newsletter. 

DVB publishes a diversity of opinions that does not reflect DVB editorial policy. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our stories: [email protected]

Chiang Mai Flower Festival: A display of colour and creativity

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Chiang Mai Flower Festival, Feb. 7-9, is an annual event at Buak Haad Park in Chiang Mai, Thailand. (Credit: DVB)

The 48th Chiang Mai Flower Festival 2025 takes place Feb. 7-9 at Buak Haad Park in northern Thailand. More than 100 species such as orchids, tulips, lilies, and roses were on display in a diverse array of styles, creating a visual experience. On Feb. 8, a grand flower parade featured over 25 decorated flower floats. It started at Nawarat Bridge on Chiang Mai’s Ping River and ended at Buak Haad Park in the Old City. The event highlighted the rich culture and artistic heritage of Chiang Mai.

Singapore-listed company defends its role in Myanmar oil deal

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Interra Resources' onshore operations in Myanmar. (Credit: Interra Resources)

Singapore-listed oil company Interra Resources stated on Thursday that the extension of a production-sharing contract between its subsidiary, Goldpetrol Joint Operating Company (GJOC), and the regime-controlled Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) was finalized years before the military coup on Feb. 1, 2021. 

“The company has no control over or power to dictate how the MOGE distributes or uses the oil that is produced by GJOC,” Interra stated, and called a Justice for Myanmar report on Jan. 29 “sensationalization.” 

The whistleblower group accused Interra Resources of supplying the regime with more than 2.3 million barrels of oil from January 2021 to the end of 2023 worth more than $150 million USD

Interra Resources stated that it holds 60 percent of shares in GJOC through its wholly owned subsidiary, Goldwater Company Limited (GCL). 

The remaining 40 percent is owned by North Petroleum International, a subsidiary of China North Industries Group Corporation (NORINCO), a Chinese state-owned arms conglomerate that also supplies weapons to the Myanmar military, according to Justice for Myanmar.

“The company’s business with MOGE directly supports the junta’s widening campaign of terror, which has killed children, destroyed schools and hospitals, and displaced over 3 million people,” said Yadanar Maung, the Justice for Myanmar spokesperson.

“Interra Resources’ business has been enabled by a lack of international action to cut the junta’s access to funds, arms and fuel,” she added.

Justice for Myanmar has called on Singapore to impose targeted sanctions on the regime in Myanmar and end the company’s operations in the country. GJOC provides one of the few remaining sources of oil for the military, refining it into jet fuel and diesel. 

GJOC operates two of the onshore producing oil fields in Chauk and Yenangyaung in central Myanmar. It secured the contract for oil exploration and production with MOGE in 1996. The deal was extended for 11 years in April 2017, during the National League for Democracy (NLD) administration.

The company added: “The report therefore contains untrue allegations that GJOC is ‘favouring the junta’, ‘has long enjoyed a close relationship with the Myanmar military’ or that GJOC signed the contracts with the ‘previous military junta’.” 

The military’s airstrikes have killed 2,257 and injured 3,417 civilians between Feb. 1, 2021, and Nov. 30, 2024, according to the Blood Money Campaign, a coalition of anti-coup activists that are leading calls for a ban on aviation fuel exports to Myanmar.

The MOGE was sanctioned by the U.S. and the E.U. following the 2021 coup.

Fighting between Arakan Army and military spreads to Sittwe; AA seizes regime outpost in Ayeyarwady Region

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Regime troops inspect a bus along the Sittwe-Yangon Road in December. (Credit: Narinjara News)

Fighting between Arakan Army and military spreads to Sittwe

Residents in the Arakan State capital of Sittwe told DVB that sporadic fighting between the Arakan Army (AA) and the military has occurred in villages around the Regional Operations Command headquarters in Sittwe Township since Monday. The military is defending Sittwe as it has yet to lose control of a state or region capital to resistance forces.

Residents reported that the No. 12 Police Battalion opened fire with artillery in retaliation to gunfire from the AA. “Everything is normal in the town but people in remote areas are concerned about this sporadic fire,” a Sittwe resident told DVB. The last time fighting between AA and the military spread to Sittwe was Jan. 16-18. This is when both sides reportedly used snipers, drones, and heavy weapons. 

Narinjara News reported that the AA has attacked at least six military outposts along the Sittwe-Yangon highway with snipers, causing an unknown number of casualties. The AA has surrounded the remaining three townships under regime control: Sittwe, Kyaukphyu and Manaung townships. It has launched attacks in regions next to Arakan since January.

AA seizes regime outpost in Ayeyarwady Region

The AA, and its allied resistance forces, seized a military outpost at Kyargaung village, which is located between Thabaung Township and Shwethaungyan town, Ayeyarwady Region, on Monday. The AA launched an offensive there last month and seized Magyizin village on Jan. 10 and Bawmi village on Jan. 18. Shwethaungyan is located 43 miles (69 km) northwest of the region’s capital Pathein.

“Kyargaung is next to Shwethaungyan and situated in Thabaung. Instead of advancing towards Chaungtha, the AA is shifting its offensive toward Thabaung,” a source told DVB on the condition of anonymity. The military has since sent in reinforcements to support its troops in Ayeyarwady and has established a defensive position in Thephyu village of Thabaung, the source added.  

One of the military regime’s captains was reportedly killed and over 50 of its soldiers were injured. After abandoning the camp at Kyargaung village, military personnel took refuge in nearby Thitsin village of Thabaung, according to residents. Fighting was also reported in the area east of Thephyu village, near Kinpunchin Mountain, in Thabaung on Wednesday.

UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burma Tom Andrews at a press conference in Bangkok about possible arms deals, via Thai banks, to the regime in Naypyidaw on July 11. (Credit: Reuters)

Singapore denies involvement in arms exports to Myanmar 

Singapore’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Vivian Balakrishnan denied allegations from a member of the opposition Workers’ Party about his government’s involvement in arms exports to the regime in Naypyidaw on Wednesday. He made a written response to a parliamentary question raised by Dennis Tan, a member of Singapore’s parliament.

“As I had explained in this House in February and July 2023, also in response to Mr Tan’s questions on both occasions, the U.N. Special Rapporteur for Myanmar Thomas Andrews reaffirmed in his report that ‘there are no indications the Government of Singapore has approved, or is involved in, the shipment of arms and associated materials to the Myanmar military,’” wrote Balakrishnan.

U.N. Special Rapporteur on human rights in Burma Tom Andrews documented that $254 million USD worth of “arms and related goods” were being delivered to the military through Singapore-based entities. He initially flagged 47 companies and later added another 91 to the list. Andrews clarified that he had received no information suggesting that the Singapore government had approved or was involved in the arms transfers.

News by Region

MAGWAY—Residents of Minbu Township told DVB that there are fewer people visiting the Shwe Set Taw pagoda festival this year compared to previous years due to security concerns and forced military conscription. The festival began on Sunday and will end April 17. Minbu is located eight miles (12 km) west of the region’s capital Magway. 

“We offered trips to the pagoda festival but no one was interested,” a travel agency spokesperson told DVB. More than 1,000 residents from 11 villages near the pagoda have been forced to flee their homes since Dec. 22 due to a military offensive. Residents claimed that troops are deployed near the pagoda and are conducting daily raids in nearby villages. 

KAREN—Residents of Myawaddy Township reported that power outages occurred on Wednesday after Thailand’s Provincial Electricity Authority (PEA) cut power to three towns located along the Burma-Thai border in order to crack down on cyber scam centers. Myawaddy is located across the border from Mae Sot, Tak Province of Thailand. 

“The power cut primarily affects Myawaddy Public Hospital, which has many patients,” a Karen Border Guard Force (BGF) spokesperson, told DVB. “Even if some people don’t use Thai electricity directly, they’re still affected. When fuel stations lose power, it becomes difficult to refuel, leading to a growing fuel shortage,” a Myawaddy resident told DVB. 

SHAN—Residents of Tachilek Township have reportedly turned to Laos for its electricity supply after Thailand’s PEA cut power on Wednesday. Tachilek is located next to Mae Sai, Chiang Rai Province of Thailand.  An estimated 7,500 households, 65 temples, 45 schools, 15 military camps and five hospitals in Tachilek are reportedly without power.

The Bangkok Post newspaper reported that Thailand’s Interior Minister Anutin Charnvirakul said that if Burma promises to block scam centres’ access to the Thai power supply, electricity sales from Thailand can resume. He declined to comment when asked if the cutoff would be effective in stopping cyber scams. 

The Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) told DVB on Wednesday that it sent a letter to the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) to discuss territorial disputes in northern Shan State. The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) Chairperson N’Ban La called for mutual respect and cooperation between the two ethnic armed groups. 

“We will hold central-level talks with the KIA. Regarding the video on social media, we’ve reached an agreement with [KIA] brigade-level [officials] in Momeik,” Lway Ye Oo, the TNLA spokesperson, told DVB. A video showing a fight between members of the two groups in Kutkai Township surfaced online Jan. 26

(Exchange rate: $1 USD = 4,550 MMK)

Newscast: Anti-coup forces make historic gains against Myanmar military [AUDIO]

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Over the past 12 months, Myanmar’s resistance forces have made territorial gains nationwide. The military regime in Naypyidaw, which seized power after the 2021 coup, now has less than 25 percent of the country under its control, according to a recent BBC investigation.

The National Unity Government (NUG) claims the resistance controls 144 out of Myanmar’s 330 townships. It added that 48 townships are under full resistance control. While 79 remain contested between the military and the resistance. The regime is administering 107 townships, according to the NUG.

Stay tuned to DVB English News for more Newscasts. We’re available wherever you get podcasts. Follow or subscribe.

And the winner of the Voice of Freedom – Karenni Idol is…?

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The Voice of Freedom - Karenni Idol was started on Dec. 14. It airs every Saturday. Results are announced every Sunday. The winner was announced on Jan. 25. (Credit: The Voice of Freedom - Karenni Idol)

To divert attention from the conflict raging in Karenni State, youth in Myanmar launched a singing competition with all proceeds going towards the resistance to the 2021 military coup. The Voice of Freedom – Karenni Idol was started in 2023, but postponed to Dec. 14, 2024. It aired every Saturday until the winner was announced on Jan. 25. Watch our previous report on the singing competition.

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