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What Myanmar’s united resistance wants the US Congress to know

Guest contributor

James Shwe

Since the 2021 military coup, advocating for democracy in Myanmar has faced significant challenges in raising awareness and understanding in the U.S. 

These challenges stem from a range of factors that require thoughtful engagement and targeted action to overcome. We want the incoming 119th Congress to be aware of the following.

Key Challenges

  1. Name confusion: The 1989 name change from “Burma” to “Myanmar” continues to cause confusion. The U.S. State Department refers to the country as Burma, while Burmese government documents use Myanmar. This inconsistency complicates public understanding of the country’s identity and location.
  2. Limited awareness of recent events: While many Americans are familiar with Myanmar’s history of conflict, particularly the Rohingya crisis, there is limited awareness of the 2021 military coup, the violent suppression of anti-coup protests, the evolution of organized resistance into a civil war, and China’s interference in Myanmar’s affairs.
  3. Misconceptions about resistance: The resistance movement, led by the National Unity Government (NUG) formed by elected representatives from the 2020 elections, is often misunderstood as fragmented. The NUG collaborates with Ethnic Resistance Organizations (EROs), which are ethnic armed groups who oppose the coup, in a coordinated struggle against the military junta, which seized power after the coup in Naypyidaw.
  4. Misinformation and propaganda: MIlitary junta propagandists and lobbyists spread disinformation to obscure the resistance’s goals and undermine international support for democracy in Myanmar.
  5. Limited diaspora engagement: Language barriers, unfamiliarity with U.S. political systems, and cultural hesitancy rooted in authoritarian experiences hinder effective diaspora advocacy efforts.

Efforts to address challenges

To overcome these obstacles, the Burmese diaspora has initiated several proactive measures:

  • Community education programs: Workshops and language support designed to improve political engagement.
  • Coalition-building: Strengthening collaboration with Congressional offices.
  • Digital advocacy platforms: Expanding participation through online events and social media campaigns.
  • Inclusive representation: Ensuring advocacy reflects all of Myanmar’s diverse ethnic groups.

The establishment of the Congressional Burma Caucus in February 2024 offers a new platform for focused advocacy on democracy and human rights in Myanmar. 

However, concerns remain about ensuring balanced representation and minimizing undue influence from professional lobbyists.

Key insights for Congress

  1. Organized resistance: Contrary to junta propaganda, the NUG leads an organized movement that collaborates with EROs. Together, they claim influence over significant portions of Myanmar’s territory despite ongoing challenges.
  2. Humanitarian crisis: Myanmar ranks third on the International Rescue Committee (IRC) list of top global crises for 2025. Congress should advocate for increased humanitarian assistance while encouraging other nations to contribute if U.S. budgets are constrained.
  3. Aid manipulation by Naypyidaw: Humanitarian aid distributed through U.N. channels is often weaponized by the junta, blocking access to resistance-held areas. Congress should explore alternative delivery methods through local civil society groups operating in these regions.
  4. Non-lethal assistance needs: The U.S.’s reluctance to provide non-lethal support—such as Early Warning Systems for air attacks—leaves civilians vulnerable. This assistance is authorized under U.S. legislation, via the BURMA Act, and is urgently needed.
  5. China’s interference: China’s involvement complicates Myanmar’s future through projects like the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC) and rare earth elements (REE) mining operations. The U.S. must consider strategic responses while respecting Myanmar’s aspirations for self-determination.
  6. ASEAN ineffectiveness: The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Five-Point Consensus has failed to produce meaningful outcomes due to member states’ authoritarian leanings. Alternative approaches are necessary to address Myanmar’s crisis effectively.
  7. Self-funded revolution: The Burmese people have sustained their resistance largely through self-funding, reflecting their determination for freedom despite immense hardship.
  8. Strategic importance of Rare Earth Elements (REE): Myanmar supplied over 50 percent of global REE last year, presenting an opportunity for U.S. engagement that could counterbalance China’s dominance in this critical sector.
  9. Arakan Army role: The Arakan Army (AA) is poised to take control of Arakan (Rakhine) State—a region critical due to its deep-sea port and strategic projects like CMEC and India’s Kaladan Project. Congress should explore opportunities for engagement with the AA while supporting humanitarian aid delivery via Bangladesh and India.
  10. Rejection of power-sharing with military: The Burmese people overwhelmingly oppose power-sharing arrangements with the military; any peace settlement must involve systemic reforms placing the military under civilian control.
  11. Combatting myths about extremism: Narratives portraying resistance groups as extremists or terrorists echo junta propaganda designed to divide international opinion against them.
  12. Complexity beyond the Rohingya issue: While the Rohingya crisis demands urgent attention, it is part of a larger, intricate web of political, ethnic, and human rights issues in Myanmar. The country’s path to democracy and reconciliation requires addressing the concerns of all its ethnic groups and communities. 

The Rohingya issue is particularly complex due to involvement of multiple actors, both domestic and international, lack of coordinated leadership among Rohingya communities and diverse and sometimes conflicting approaches by international activists and organizations. 

There are concerns that an overemphasis on accountability without sufficient focus on reconciliation may inadvertently hinder progress. A balanced approach that promotes both justice and reconciliation, particularly between Rohingya and Rakhine communities, is crucial for long-term stability. Please consider addressing the Burma issues holistically considering the concerns of all its ethnic groups and communities.

Broader Context

Myanmar’s struggle transcends any single issue—it is fundamentally about democracy, human rights, and self-determination for all its people across ethnic lines. Congress must engage with diverse voices within the resistance movement to develop a nuanced understanding that reflects these aspirations.

Recommendations for Congress

  1. Prioritize implementing provisions of The BURMA Act without premature amendments.
  2. Advocate for alternative humanitarian aid delivery methods that bypass junta-controlled channels.
  3. Provide timely non-lethal assistance authorized under existing legislation.
  4. Explore strategic opportunities related to REE mining and Arakan State’s geopolitical importance.
  5. Ensure inclusive representation within advocacy efforts by engaging with all ethnic groups in Myanmar.
  6. Critically evaluate narratives shaped by junta and lobbyist propaganda before making policy decisions.
  7. Support diaspora-led initiatives aimed at educating lawmakers about Myanmar’s complex realities.

By addressing these issues comprehensively, Congress can play a pivotal role in supporting Myanmar’s path toward democracy and justice while advancing U.S. strategic interests in Southeast Asia.

Further reading:

NATIONAL UNITY GOVERNMENT: https://www.nugmyanmar.org/en/

ETHNIC RESISTANCE ORGANIZATIONS: https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/myanmar-resistance-groups-voice-support-for-nug-govt.html

CLAIMS OF FRAGMENTATION: https://www.usip.org/publications/2023/11/we-shouldnt-fear-resistance-victory-myanmar

HUMANITARIAN CRISIS: https://www.rescue.org/article/top-10-crises-world-cant-ignore-

HUMANITARIAN AID: https://www.csis.org/analysis/rethinking-humanitarian-assistance-myanmar

EARLY WARNING SYSTEMS: https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/myanmar-junta-steps-up-air-attacks-on-civilians.html

CHINA’S Influence: https://www.specialeurasia.com/2024/12/01/china-myanmar-democracy/

NEGOTIATED PEACE SETTLEMENT: https://www.specialeurasia.com/2024/12/01/china-myanmar-democracy/

ASEAN FIVE-POINT CONSENSUS:       https://www.rsis.edu.sg/rsis-publication/rsis/asean-five-point-consensus-on-myanmar/

SELF-FUNDED: https://www.frontiermyanmar.net/en/myanmars-spring-revolution-is-funded-by-mytel-boycott-and-public-donations/

CHINA MYANMAR ECONOMIC CORRIDOR: https://www.wilsoncenter.org/blog-post/china-myanmar-economic-corridor-and-chinas-determination-see-it-through

BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE: https://worldscientific.com/doi/10.1142/S2591729321500115

RARE EARTH ELEMENTS: https://www.eurasiareview.com/15112024-myanmars-rare-earth-revolution-a-geopolitical-gamechanger-oped/#google_vignette

OIL AND GAS PIPELINES: https://www.brimonitor.org/case-studies/myanmar-china-oil-and-gas-pipeline-projects/


James Shwe is a Myanmar democracy activist in the U.S. and is a member of the advocacy groups Free Myanmar and the Los Angeles Myanmar Movement. He has been trying to organize and motivate the Myanmar diaspora to advocate for democracy in Myanmar.

DVB publishes a diversity of opinions that does not reflect DVB editorial policy. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our stories: [email protected]

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