Guest contributor

James Shwe

Today marks the fourth anniversary of the illegal seizure of power by the military from the democratically-elected National League for Democracy (NLD) government in Myanmar. 

The situation in Myanmar remains a testament to the resilience and determination of its people in the face of oppression, even with limited international support.

I have been advocating for democracy in Myanmar since the 2021 military coup. My journey began with grassroots activism, participating in protests across the U.S. 

These demonstrations were held in high-visibility locations such as Los Angeles City Hall, Pasadena City Hall, Hollywood Boulevard, Santa Monica Pier, Pasadena City College, and the Alhambra Food District. 

For over 70 weeks, we gathered every weekend, consistently raising awareness. Eventually, the focus of our efforts diversified to include fundraising initiatives and direct advocacy with government officials.

In May 2021, I was introduced to congressional advocacy when I was recruited by professional lobbyists working to advance the BURMA Act. 

This act, initially a modified version of a 2019 bill for assistance to the Rohingya crisis that had been rejected by Congress, included provisions such as sanctions on Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprises (MOGE) and $450 million in humanitarian aid over five years. 

It appeared that congressional representatives sponsoring the BURMA Act encouraged lobbyists to seek visible support from the Myanmar diaspora, which led to my involvement.

My role was to identify Myanmar constituents within specific congressional districts and encourage them to request meetings with their representatives to discuss the BURMA Act. 

While most meetings were with congressional staff rather than the representatives themselves, we used these opportunities to explain the ongoing crisis in Myanmar and the importance of the BURMA Act. 

We urged representatives to co-sponsor the bill or, at the very least, vote for its passage. This experience was eye-opening and taught me invaluable lessons about advocacy.

 One of the most important takeaways was the critical role of grassroots constituents in shaping legislative outcomes. Professional lobbyists rely on constituents to access representatives, as constituents can effectively support or oppose bills. 

Understanding this dynamic, we realized the importance of educating our diaspora about their essential role in advocacy and encouraging them to critically evaluate proposed legislation.

To strengthen this approach, we recommended to the Congressional Burma Caucus that all Myanmar-related bills undergo review by a diverse representation of the Myanmar diaspora community before their introduction to Congress. 

While we only received verbal responses stating that the caucus was formed primarily to raise awareness about Myanmar rather than introduce legislation, two bills have since been introduced through the caucus. 

It remains to be seen how this process will evolve, but the experience underscored the importance of organized and informed grassroots efforts in shaping meaningful change. 

When the text of the BURMA Act was initially shared with us, it was provided in fragments, making it difficult to fully understand or evaluate. At the time, we lacked the knowledge to critically analyze its contents, though the lobbyists handling it were careful in their approach. 

It was only a few months after its introduction, after reading and re-reading the act, that we began to grasp its implications and identified areas for improvement to make it more effective for Myanmar’s pro-democracy movement.

One major concern was the bill’s disproportionate focus on the Rohingya, which risked deepening divisions within Myanmar. This emphasis seemed to echo the tactics of military junta propagandists, who often exploit such narratives to sow discord. 

While this focus may have been inadvertent, we believed a more balanced and equitable bill would foster unity rather than resentment. We submitted an amendment request to address these issues, and our proposed changes were ultimately incorporated into the final version of the BURMA Act. 

Key additions included provisions for assistance to the National Unity Government (NUG), the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), the People’s Defense Force (PDF), and Ethnic Revolutionary Organizations (EROs). 

Additionally, we believe a group of senators, led by Senator Mitch McConnell—widely regarded as one of the most knowledgeable and supportive U.S. lawmakers on Myanmar—introduced a crucial provision for non-lethal assistance.

The BURMA Act was successfully passed by Congress in December 2022 as part of the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), marking a significant legislative victory for Myanmar’s pro-democracy movement. 

The Burma Act remained dormant for over one year after its passage due to a lack of appropriate funding. In mid-2022, we learned that the Senate Appropriations Committee had proposed $121 million USD to fund the act for 2024, while the House had limited its recommendation to $50 million.

In response, we launched a grassroots campaign, urging members of the Myanmar diaspora to contact their representatives via email or through their official websites to advocate for the full $121 million USD as recommended by the Senate.

 The community responded overwhelmingly, and our collective efforts successfully secured full appropriation. Despite this success, the allocation of the $121 million USD for Myanmar assistance requires a more nuanced understanding. 

A significant portion, potentially up to half of the $121 million USD, may be allocated to administrative and operational expenses of USAID partners. The remaining funds, approximately $60 million USD, are likely to be used for direct assistance.

With an estimated four million internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Myanmar, the direct aid translates to roughly $15 USD per person annually These figures highlight the enormity of the challenge and the urgent need for more substantial international support.

A more strategic approach to international assistance for Myanmar could lead to better long-term outcomes. Prioritizing support for the pro-democracy movement, alongside essential humanitarian aid, offers the potential for a more comprehensive and sustainable resolution to the country’s complex challenges. 

Accelerating the resolution of the conflict would not only address the root causes of the Myanmar crisis but also alleviate the immediate suffering of millions of displaced people. 

A balanced approach—focusing on fostering political change while ensuring humanitarian support for vulnerable populations—is crucial to achieving meaningful and lasting progress.

I have found that much of my advocacy work involves damage control rather than advancing the revolution directly. The junta has actively employed lobbyists and propagandists to cultivate fear about Myanmar’s potential disintegration in the event of the military’s loss of power. 

However, the people of Myanmar have never been more united, despite the junta’s divisive “divide and rule” policy over the past seventy years. Notably, no group within this united front has declared intentions to secede, further disproving the junta’s narrative. 

It is also evident that the military has deliberately fostered and prolonged civil war to justify its existence and maintain its grip on power, using conflict as a pretext for its continued dominance. 

This narrative has been bolstered by deliberate or inadvertent efforts, such as attempts to label EROs and the PDF as terrorists in the U.S. Country Terrorism Report.

Additionally, the 2024 United States Commission for International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) recommended making Rohingya repatriation a prerequisite for recognizing the NUG. 

This recommendation seemed disconnected from the realities on the ground, particularly the ongoing conflict in Rakhine State between the Arakan Army (AA) and the junta. 

Even if the AA were to agree to repatriate the Rohingya, the junta could exploit the situation by launching aerial attacks on Rohingya villages and blaming the AA. 

Advocacy around Rohingya issues often appears detached from these complexities, focusing heavily on accountability while neglecting reconciliation efforts.

Despite these challenges, the U.S. State Department, leveraging its deep knowledge of Myanmar, has corrected many of these missteps without causing significant harm to the revolution. 

Their actions underscore the importance of nuanced, well-informed advocacy to counter misinformation and protect the pro-democracy movement.

We are currently preparing to launch a new grassroots advocacy campaign aimed at engaging the 119th Congress, which includes many new members. 

It is crucial to educate these members about the realities in Myanmar, as many may have limited knowledge or hold misconceptions. During past engagements, we found that several congressional staff members were either uninformed or misinformed about the situation. 

Advocacy from the Myanmar diaspora has only recently gained momentum, and much of the international community’s understanding of Myanmar is shaped by negative narratives, particularly regarding the Rohingya crisis. 

These portrayals often frame Myanmar’s leadership as Buddhist extremists responsible for genocide, while downplaying or ignoring the military’s decades-long use of divisive tactics to maintain control. 

Addressing these misconceptions and providing a more accurate picture of Myanmar’s complexities will be central to our efforts.

We understand that our expectations must remain realistic, yet we recognize the critical importance of securing as much international assistance as possible. 

Living abroad provides us with a unique opportunity to advocate effectively without facing the challenges those on the ground endure. Therefore, it is our responsibility to make every effort to support our country of origin through dedicated advocacy and action.

I recently authored an op-ed, published on DVB English News, highlighting what Myanmar’s people need Congress to understand. 

I urge everyone in the U.S. Myanmar diaspora to share this article with their individual representatives, just as we did during the successful $121 million USD appropriations campaign. 

By collectively amplifying our message, we can draw the attention of the new Congress and potentially achieve meaningful results.

James Shwe is a Myanmar democracy activist in the U.S. and is a member of the advocacy groups Free Myanmar and the Los Angeles Myanmar Movement. He has been trying to organize and motivate the Myanmar diaspora to advocate for democracy in Myanmar.

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