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Karen National Liberation Army seizes outpost near Myanmar-Thailand border forcing 247 civilians to flee

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The Royal Thai Army hands out food and water to residents of Hpa-An Township, Karen State, who fled their homes due to fighting and crossed the Myanmar-Thailand border into Mae Ramat District of Tak Province, Thailand, on April 19. (Credit: Royal Thai Army)

A frontline source in Myawaddy Township of Karen State told DVB that the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) seized a regime outpost located near the Myanmar-Thailand border, across from Mae Ramat District of Tak Province, which led to the displacement of 247 civilians on Saturday. No casualties were reported.

The Royal Thai Army told media that 247 Myawaddy residents fled their homes in Karen State across the border into Tak Province of Thailand, where they have taken refuge in Mae Ramat District. Myawaddy is located 80 miles (128 km) east of the state capital Hpa-An.

The Karen National Union (KNU) accused the regime of targeting civilians with air and artillery strikes in a statement on Saturday. It also urged caution to the media about disclosing the location of where civilians are sheltering from attacks, warning of more retaliatory airstrikes.

A 14-day pause in fighting between the KNLA and the regime took place after Naypyidaw announced a 20-day ceasefire, starting on April 2. But fighting over the outpost in Myawaddy resumed on April 16. The anonymous source on the frontline told DVB that 20 regime troops fled the outpost on April 18 before it fell to the KNLA. 

In Kawkareik Township, residents told DVB that at least 16 civilians were killed and over 30 were injured by air and artillery strikes during fighting near Kyondoe town April 15-17. “We’re trapped inside the town,” a Kyondoe resident told DVB on condition of anonymity. Kyondoe is located 40 miles (64 km) west of Myawaddy and 40 miles (64 km) east of Hpa-An. 

The regime sent reinforcements in six cargo trucks to the Aung Zeya column stationed in Kyondoe from Hpa-An on April 15, residents told DVB. The regime launched the Aung Zeya counteroffensive in April 2024 after the KNLA seized a regime outpost in Myawaddy for 12 days.  

At least six people were killed by an airstrike on a monastery in Kawkareik’s Kamni village on April 15. At least three other civilians were killed the same day by airstrikes on two other villages in Kawkareik, residents told DVB. 

At least 30 regime troops were taken as prisoners of war, a source close to the KNLA told DVB on condition of anonymity. Kawkareik is located 26 miles (42 km) west of Myawaddy and 57 miles (92 km) east of Hpa-An.

KNLA Commander Saw Dar Baw told the media on April 12 that the Aung Zeya column initially had 1,200 troops, citing confessions from detained regime troops. He claimed that the KNLA has killed over 500 of them, including four battalion commanders and a chief strategist, and detained 95 as prisoners of war. 

The KNU told DVB that KNLA-led resistance forces seized a regime outpost in Hlaingbwe Township of Karen State—one mile from the Myanmar-Thailand border—on March 25 after four days of fighting.

It also captured the Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 31 at Lel Paw Hel village, also known as Pulutu, in Hlaingbwe on March 13 after launching an offensive on Feb. 27. Hlaingbwe is located 23 miles (37 km) northeast of Hpa-An and 101 miles (162 km) northwest of Myawaddy. 

DVB has documented 153 air and artillery strikes carried out by the regime that have killed 151 people since the ceasefire began on April 2. Since the earthquake on March 28, it has carried out 216 attacks that have killed 151 people.

A total 8,873 political prisoners released since 2021 coup; Two killed in ‘confrontation’ at Magway Prison

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Eighteen prisoners, including one political prisoner, were released from Myingyan Prison in Mandalay Region during the Myanmar New Year Day amnesty on April 17. (Credit: DVB)

Two political prisoners killed in ‘confrontation’ at Magway Prison

At least two political prisoners were killed and five were injured by prison staff when they opened fire during a “confrontation” inside Magway Prison in Magway Region on April 13, the Political Prisoners Network of Myanmar (PPNM) told DVB. This followed fighting between the People’s Defence Force (PDF) and regime forces outside the prison.

“When fighting broke out between the PDF and regime troops, some prisoners attempted to escape,” Thaik Tun Oo, the PPNM spokesperson, told DVB on Friday. He claimed that the bodies of the prisoners killed have not been returned to their families but were instead cremated by prison authorities.

Seventy out of 115 prisoners scheduled to be released from Magway Prison during the regime amnesty on April 17 were set free, according to released prisoners who spoke to DVB on the condition of anonymity. Jailed Magway Region Chief Minister Aung Moe Nyo and Parliament Speaker U Tar are two high profile political prisoners being held at Magway Prison. 

A total 8,873 political prisoners released since 2021 coup

DVB data states that the regime in Naypyidaw has released a total of 106,810 prisoners in 18 amnesties since it seized power after the military coup on Feb. 1, 2021. But only 8,873, or 8.31 percent of those freed, have been political prisoners. PPNM documented 378 political prisoners among the 4,893 prisoners released in the latest regime amnesty.

“[The regime] keeps political prisoners because it fears increased resistance if they are released,” Thaik Tun Oo told DVB. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has documented that 22,197 out of 29,030 arrested since the 2021 coup remain behind bars in prisons nationwide.

Aung Myo Kyaw from AAPP told DVB that the regime is using amnesties to improve their image abroad. He called for the release of all political prisoners, including jailed State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint. Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim praised Min Aung Hlaing for releasing prisoners during a meeting in Bangkok, Thailand, on April 17. 

Residents of Mandalay’s Amarapura Township have been staying in temporary shelters this month after their homes were destroyed by the earthquake on March 28. (Credit: Reuters)

Thousands still in need over three weeks after the earthquake 

At least 140 aftershocks as high as magnitude 5.9 have occurred following the initial tremors that followed the 7.7 magnitude earthquake on March 29, according to the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). 

“Frequent strong aftershocks continue to shake central Myanmar almost daily, increasing fear and uncertainty,” the U.N. stated on April 18. “Living conditions have deteriorated sharply—thousands are still sleeping in the open.”

The U.N. added that over 4.3 million people need clean water and sanitation since 42,000 latrines have collapsed and water systems have been crippled with widespread power cuts. The death toll from the earthquake is 4,410 with 11,366 injured, according to DVB data.

News by Region

ARAKAN—The Arakan Army (AA) did not allow any public Thingyan events in areas under its control April 13-16, according to residents. The AA prohibited residents from gathering in large numbers given the threat of regime air and artillery attacks. 

“No Thingyan pavilions [were] built, so, there [were] no Thingyan festivities this year,” a resident living in a township controlled by the AA told Lay Waddy FM. Regime Chief Minister Htein Lin hosted a Thingyan event in the state capital Sittwe. 

KAREN—A frontline source told DVB that the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) seized a regime outpost in Myawaddy Township, located near the Burma-Thailand border across from Mae Ramat District of Tak Province, on Saturday. No casualties were reported.

Fighting over control of the Mophasu outpost in Myawaddy led to the displacement of 247 civilians, who fled their homes across the border into Thailand, according to the Royal Thai Army. Myawaddy is located 80 miles (128 km) east of the state capital Hpa-An.

SHAN—Residents of Nyaungshwe Township told DVB that construction material prices, including bamboo and thatch, have risen following the March 28 earthquake. Nyaungshwe is located 18 miles (28 km) south of the state capital Taunggyi. 

“We are in a lot of difficulties with the prices rising like this,” a resident who lost his home told DVB. A total of 3,255 residential buildings, including monasteries and hotels, near the tourist hot spot of Inle Lake were destroyed during the March 28 earthquake, according to aid groups. 

(Exchange rate: $1 USD = 4,420 MMK) 

Watch: A village in Sagaing Region at the epicenter of the Myanmar earthquake. Find DVB English News on X, Facebook, Instagram, Threads & TikTok. Subscribe to us on YouTube.

Unity and leadership: A blueprint for Myanmar’s revolution

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A National Unity Government (NUG) rally in Yangon's Sanchaung Township after it was established as the democratic alternative to military rule following the coup on Feb. 1, 2021. (Credit: DVB)

Guest contributor

James Shwe

Myanmar’s revolution is at a critical juncture. The fight against the military junta is not just about overthrowing a dictatorship, it is about building a nation where all people, regardless of ethnicity or religion, can live in freedom and dignity. 

To achieve this, we must embrace critical thinking, strengthen unity across our diverse communities, and demand principled leadership that prioritizes transparency and accountability. 

Our leaders must develop the habit of informing the people of their intentions—within the limits of strategic necessity—and seek public feedback on important decisions. At the same time, we must resist external influences that seek to manipulate our movement for their own agendas and recognize the importance of collaboration—both visible and behind the scenes. This revolution requires courage, intellect, solidarity, and strategy.

Education as the foundation of resistance

Critical thinking: A revolutionary tool

The military junta has long maintained its grip on power by stifling critical thinking. Under its rule, Myanmar’s education system was designed to produce obedient citizens rather than independent thinkers. 

Even before the 2021 military coup, rote learning dominated classrooms, discouraging students from questioning authority or imagining alternatives to the status quo. This lack of critical thinking left Myanmar’s people unprepared to challenge the military effectively.

However, education can be transformative. By teaching ourselves and each other how to think critically, how to question narratives, verify facts, and envision a better future—we can empower our revolution. 

Workshops in liberated areas or among diaspora communities can spread knowledge about democracy, federalism, and justice. These efforts should focus on practical lessons that help people understand what they are fighting for and how to build a fairer society.

The coup itself has become a brutal but important teacher. It has shown us the power of unity in the face of oppression and the importance of independent thought. We must carry these lessons forward to create a Myanmar where education liberates rather than oppresses.

Unity through diversity: Our greatest strength

Embracing our differences

Myanmar is home to a rich tapestry of ethnicities, religions, and cultures. For decades, the military has exploited these differences to divide us—pitting one group against another to maintain its power. 

But diversity is not a weakness; it is our greatest strength. Each community brings unique skills, perspectives, and histories of resistance that can contribute to our shared struggle.

For example:

  • Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) have decades of experience resisting oppression and governing local areas. Their knowledge of self-determination and resilience is invaluable.
  • People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) have mobilized in Bamar-majority regions that were previously untouched by conflict, demonstrating unprecedented coordination between urban activists and rural fighters.
  • Religious leaders from all faiths have called for peace and justice, reminding us of our shared humanity.

By recognizing that we are stronger together than apart, we can turn the junta’s strategy of division into an opportunity for unity.

Collaboration behind the scenes

While some groups may face external pressure or constraints that prevent them from openly collaborating with others in the revolution, many are working together quietly behind the scenes. 

These hidden alliances are vital—they allow groups with different priorities or challenges to coordinate efforts without exposing themselves to undue risks or criticism.

For instance:

  • EAOs like the Brotherhood Alliance have captured significant territory in northern Shan and Rakhine states while maintaining independence from formal alliances with the National Unity Government (NUG).
  • PDFs and EAOs have conducted joint operations that have dealt significant blows to the military’s forces without publicizing their coordination.

It is important for us to trust that many are contributing to our shared goals in ways that may not always be visible.

Resisting external manipulation

Foreign interests vs. Myanmar’s future

External powers often seek to manipulate revolutionary movements for their own interests rather than supporting what is best for the people involved. For example:

  • Some foreign governments advocate withholding aid until certain conditions—such as resolving the Rohingya crisis—are met immediately, ignoring that only a democratic Myanmar can address such issues fairly.
  • Others provide selective support based on geopolitical calculations rather than genuine solidarity with Myanmar’s people.

We must resist these influences by uniting around a shared vision for Myanmar’s future—one that prioritizes democracy, justice, and equality—and advocating for leaders who will protect this vision against external pressures.

Finding common ground against foreign agendas

All resistance groups face attempts at foreign manipulation. This shared challenge presents an opportunity for unity. By openly discussing how external actors try to divide us, we can develop collective strategies to maintain our independence.

For example:

  • When foreign entities push narratives that favor one group over another, we must question their motives and prioritize what benefits all communities in Myanmar.
  • Diaspora communities can play a key role in bridging divides between ethnic factions by fostering dialogue and advocating for inclusive solutions.

Recognizing propaganda and demanding accountability

Countering divisive narratives

The junta relies on propaganda to weaken our revolution by spreading lies designed to sow distrust among resistance groups. 

These narratives are often amplified by two groups: junta-backed propagandists who deliberately spread misinformation and misguided activists who repeat harmful claims without understanding their impact.

For example:

  • Claims that “Bamar Buddhists are intolerant” ignore how the junta has weaponized religion to divide communities for decades.
  • Narratives suggesting “the military is too entrenched to fail” mirror junta psychological operations aimed at demoralizing resistance forces.

We must challenge these narratives by questioning who benefits from them and educating others about their origins.

Holding leaders accountable with transparency

Strong leadership is essential for any successful revolution—but not all leaders act in the best interests of those they represent. We must demand leaders who prioritize unity over personal gain or external agendas while fostering transparency wherever possible.

Our leaders must develop the habit of informing the people about their intentions as much as strategy allows while seeking public feedback on important decisions. This practice strengthens trust between leaders and citizens while ensuring that decisions reflect the will of those they serve.

What makes a good leader?

  1. Integrity: Leaders must be honest about their intentions and transparent in their actions whenever possible.
  2. Inclusivity: They must represent all ethnicities, religions, and social classes—not just their own group.
  3. Accountability: Leaders should admit mistakes when they occur and work collaboratively to correct them.
  4. Vision: They must focus on long-term goals like establishing democracy rather than short-term victories or personal fame.
  5. Engagement: Leaders should actively seek public input on decisions affecting everyone in Myanmar.

As citizens fighting for freedom, it is our responsibility to hold leaders accountable—not blindly follow them—and ensure they act in ways that strengthen unity rather than division.

A revolution built on unity, transparency, and principles

Myanmar’s revolution demands critical thinking, courage, unity across diversity, principled leadership rooted in transparency, and resistance against external manipulation. 

The military wants us divided—along ethnic, religious, or ideological lines—because they know unity is their greatest threat.

As we continue this struggle, let us:

  1. Educate ourselves and each other about democracy and effective resistance strategies.
  2. Embrace our diversity as a source of revolutionary strength.
  3. Collaborate openly when possible but trust hidden alliances when necessary.
  4. Resist external influences that don’t prioritize Myanmar’s best interests.
  5. Demand leaders who demonstrate integrity while keeping people informed about their intentions.
  6. Engage with leadership by providing feedback on decisions critical to our collective future.

This revolution is more than defeating a dictatorship—it is about building a nation where everyone has an equal stake in its future through collaboration between citizens and transparent leadership. 

By combining our diverse strengths with critical thinking and principled action rooted in trust between leaders and people alike—we will prove that Myanmar’s people cannot be permanently subjugated! Together—with unity in mind and action—we will achieve lasting freedom!


James Shwe is a Myanmar democracy activist in the U.S. and is a member of the advocacy groups Free Myanmar and the Los Angeles Myanmar Movement. He has been trying to organize and motivate the Myanmar diaspora to advocate for democracy in Myanmar.

DVB publishes a diversity of opinions that does not reflect DVB editorial policy. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our stories: [email protected]

Nearly 400 political prisoners released in Myanmar New Year Day amnesty

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Families wait at the gate to Yangon’s Insein Prison on April 17 after hearing about the regime's amnesty of 4,893 prisoners for the Myanmar New Year. (Photo: DVB)

Only 378 political prisoners were among the 4,893 prisoners released nationwide in the Myanmar New Year Day amnesty on April 17, according to the Political Prisoners Network of Myanmar (PPNM).

“Only when resistance forces break down the prison doors will [political prisoners] be free,” Thaik Tun Oo, the PPNM spokesperson, told DVB on Friday.

The 378 political prisoners, including 221 men and 157 women, were held in 33 prisons across the country with 200 freed from Yangon’s Insein Prison, added Thaik Tun Oo.

Journalist Hanthar Nyein and filmmaker Dwe Myittar, also known as Steel, were released on April 17.

Hanthar Nyein is the co-founder of Kamayut Media. He was arrested on March 8, 2021, alongside Nathan Maung during a raid on their newsroom. 

Maung, a Burmese-American journalist, was released on June 15, 2021 after his charges were dropped and he was subsequently deported to the U.S. 

Upon his release, he launched an international advocacy campaign to free Hanthar Nyein, who was serving a seven‑year sentence. He was convicted of incitement and for violating the Electronic Transactions Law due to his media work.

Fifteen media organizations, including DVB, have had their publication licenses revoked by the regime since the military coup on Feb. 1, 2021. Fifty-three journalists and media workers are currently in prison, according to media monitoring group Athan.  

Dwe Myittar was arrested in March 2023 and held at Insein Prison. Although his official charges remain unclear, sources told DVB that he was detained for incitement after sharing a social media post critical of the regime.

The chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim praised the regime’s mass release of prisoners after meeting Min Aung Hlaing in Bangkok, Thailand, on April 17.

“I welcome recent steps to ease tensions, including the release, last night, of 4,800 detainees. Such gestures are a meaningful signal,” said Anwar..

In the aftermath of the earthquake on March 28, U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk called for the regime to immediately release all political prisoners.

“Thousands remain arbitrarily detained in horrendous conditions. The impact of the earthquake on detention facilities is unclear. They should be released without delay,” said Türk in a statement to the U.N. on April 4.  

Since the 2021 coup, the regime has released a total of 106,810 prisoners in 18 separate amnesties. But only 8,873 were political prisoners, or 8.31 percent overall, according DVB data.

The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has documented that 29,030 have been arrested since the 2021 coup with 22,197 remaining behind bars.

Myanmar regime, opposition set to extend ceasefire, Malaysia PM says

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Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim held a virtual meeting with National Unity Government (NUG) Prime Minister Mahn Winn Khaing Than on April 18 - one day after meeting with regime leader Min Aung Hlaing in Bangkok, Thailand. (Credit: Anwar Ibrahim)

Myanmar’s regime and a key opposition group have indicated they will extend a ceasefire to support more aid efforts after a devastating earthquake, Malaysia’s Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said on Friday, following rare high-level talks.

Myanmar has been in the throes of an expanding conflict since its military ousted an elected government in 2021 and formed a regime in Naypyidaw to control the country.

On March 28, a 7.7 magnitude earthquake hit the country, killing over 3,600 people and creating a humanitarian crisis.

Anwar, who is also the chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) regional bloc, has held talks since Thursday with Myanmar’s regime leader Min Aung Hlaing and with the alternative National Unity Government (NUG) that is battling the military, seeking to curb the ongoing conflict to push aid into the country.

“There will be a ceasefire and no unnecessary provocations, because otherwise the whole humanitarian exercise would fail,” Anwar told reporters in Bangkok, Thailand.

“My initial exchange with both the [regime leader] and NUG has been very successful,” he added.

After the March earthquake, Myanmar’s regime announced a 20-day ceasefire on April 2, following a similar move by the NUG, with more than 3.5 million people already displaced by the civil war and an economy in tatters.

The regime, however, has continued military operations in some areas, including airstrikes, according to the U.N. and other groups.

In his talks with the NUG, Anwar said he had conveyed that ASEAN would continue dialogue with it and the regime, and humanitarian aid would be provided to required areas, irrespective of who was in control.

“We understand that ASEAN, in its role as a regional body, may seek to engage with all actors involved in Myanmar’s situation,” a NUG spokesperson told Reuters.

“However, it is crucial that such engagement does not grant legitimacy to the military junta led by Min Aung Hlaing.”

The talks led by Anwar match Thailand’s approach to the Myanmar crisis, with conflict cessation necessary for humanitarian assistance to work, its foreign ministry spokesman said.

“This is a positive first step for ASEAN to engage with Myanmar,” Nikorndej Balankura told reporters on Friday.

Peace and polls

Anwar’s move to directly engage with the regime, after years of ASEAN barring Myanmar’s generals from its meetings for their failure to comply with its peace plan, could provide a potential opening to resolve the protracted conflict, analysts said.

In particular, Anwar should extend his dialogue process to include four of Myanmar’s oldest ethnic armed organisations that control swathes of the country’s borderlands, said Fuadi Pitsuwan, a political science scholar at Bangkok’s Thammasat University.

“They are critical stakeholders in any viable peace process,” he said.

The ASEAN bloc, which also includes Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam, will remain focused on implementing its peace plan, Anwar said.

“We will continue to engage all parties in support of peace, reconciliation and the well-being of the people of Myanmar,” he shared on social media after the meetings.

Saw Taw Nee, spokesman for the Karen National Union (KNU), a major ethnic armed group that holds territory along the Myanmar-Thailand border, urged ASEAN to change its approach and reach out.

“ASEAN leaders must give credit and recognise us,” he told Reuters.

The renewed move to intensify dialogue in Myanmar also comes amid a regime plan to hold a general election in December, an exercise derided by its critic as a sham to keep the generals in power through proxies.

In Bangkok, Anwar underlined the need for an inclusive, free and fair election – a message he said that had been delivered to the regime, which wants to press ahead with the election plan without delay.

Still, some analysts warn that ASEAN must be cautious.

“Min Aung Hlaing has shown that he cannot be trusted,” said Thitinan Pongsudhirak, a political scientist at Chulalongkorn University.

“So ASEAN under Anwar has to be careful not to get taken for a ride.”

REUTERS

Malaysia’s Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim meets with National Unity Government and regime leader

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Protesters in Washington, DC stood outside the Malaysian embassy to call on Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim not to meet Myanmar regime leader Min Aung Hlaing on April 17. (Photo: CJ)

Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim – the current chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) – met with the National Unity Government (NUG) Prime Minister Mahn Winn Khaing Thann via a teleconference call on Friday, the day after meeting with regime leader Min Aung Hlaing in Bangkok, Thailand.

“Neither side raised objections to our engagement with the other,” Anwar Ibrahim shared on social media.“Trust‑building remains essential, and it is vital that this continues to be an ASEAN‑led effort. We will continue to engage all parties in support of peace, reconciliation and the well‑being of the people of Myanmar,” 

The NUG was optimistic about the official meeting with Malaysia’s democratically-elected leader, who said Myanmar would be one of his focal points during the 2025 ASEAN chair.

In a statement on April 18, the NUG said that its Prime Minister Mahn Winn Khaing Thann “discussed enhancing relations with the ASEAN chair and member states, and the effective delivery and distribution of humanitarian assistance to the people of Myanmar.” 

Anwar Ibrahim was also in Bangkok April 17-18 to meet with Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra, Her father, former Thai leader Thaksin Shinawatra, is Anwar’s “informal” advisor on Myanmar.

The pair met with Myanmar regime leader Min Aung Hlaing on April 17 at the Rosewood Bangkok hotel. Anwar called Min Aung Hlaing’s release of 4,893 prisoners in a Myanmar New Year Day amnesty on April 17 “a meaningful signal.” 

Regime media reported that the two discussed ASEAN support for Myanmar in the six regions hardest hit by the earthquake on March 28.

On April 4, Min Aung Hlaing attended the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) summit in Bangkok, marking his first trip to Thailand since the 2021 coup. 

He met with Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Nepal Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli, Bhutan’s Prime Minister Dasho Tshering Tobgay, Sri Lanka’s Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya, and Bangladesh’s interim leader Muhammad Yunus.

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