Sunday, June 8, 2025
မြန်မာ
Earthquake Update
Home Blog Page 7

Relentless pressure, unity, and the path to real peace in Myanmar

By
CONTRIBUTING AUTHORS
-
0
National Unity Government Foreign Affairs Minister Zin Mar Aung meeting with the diaspora from Burma in Sydney, Australia, on June 16. (Credit: NUG)

Guest contributor

James Shwe

Myanmar stands at a historic crossroads. The people’s revolution, born in response to the 2021 military coup, has evolved into a nationwide struggle for dignity, justice, and a genuine federal democracy. 

As the resistance movement advances on the battlefield and in liberated territories of the country, a critical question arises: Should the movement negotiate for peace with the junta now, or continue fighting until the military’s power is decisively broken?

Recent developments—on the ground, regionally, and internationally—make the answer clear: The resistance must maintain and intensify pressure on all fronts—military, economic, political, and diplomatic—while remaining open to principled negotiations only when the junta is thoroughly weakened. 

This strategy, however, hinges on a united front led by the National Unity Government (NUG) and its partners, with the unwavering support of all resistance forces and the international community.

Lessons from history 

As Zin Mar Aung, the NUG Foreign Minister, powerfully argued in her Bangkok Post article “Support the People’s Revolution,” Myanmar’s struggle echoes the long, arduous journey that led to modern China—a people’s movement, rooted in the aspirations of ordinary citizens, facing down a militarized regime propped up by foreign interests. 

The goal is not vengeance but transformation: to build a professional, accountable military under civilian control, and to establish a federal democracy that reflects the will of all Myanmar’s peoples.

Why premature negotiation risks failure

Despite significant territorial gains, the junta retains control over key urban centers and maintains brutal airpower. Its strategy remains unchanged: blockade resistance-held areas, escalate violence, and stage sham elections to secure international legitimacy, aided by enablers like China, Russia, and, at times, Thailand. 

Negotiating now, when the military still has leverage, risks legitimizing its rule and betraying the sacrifices of millions. The resistance, as the NUG and countless activists have made clear, cannot accept any settlement that leaves the military’s grip intact or betrays the people’s demand for genuine democracy.

The international landscape: Divided, but evolving

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) remains divided. Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore have shown willingness to engage the NUG and Ethnic Revolutionary Organizations (EROs), while others, including Thailand, hedge their bets for strategic reasons. 

The upcoming ASEAN meetings in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, are a critical test: Will the bloc move beyond the failed Five-Point Consensus and recognize the resistance as Myanmar’s legitimate voice, or continue to grant the junta diplomatic cover?

China and Russia: Strategic calculations

China and Russia continue to shield the junta diplomatically and economically, but even Beijing’s patience is not unlimited. As Zin Mar Aung notes, China’s long-term interests—stability, economic partnership, and regional prosperity—are best served by a peaceful, democratic Myanmar. 

The NUG has signaled willingness to protect Chinese investments and cooperate on shared interests, provided China engages with all parties, not just the military.

The West and global forums

Western governments have imposed sanctions, condemned the junta’s violence, and supported the NUG and the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) in international forums such as the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU). 

The IPU remains a key platform for delegitimizing the military and amplifying the voice of the resistance movement. However, global leverage is limited, and the West’s support must be matched by unity and credibility within the resistance itself.

The imperative of unity: Recommendations for the resistance

1. Continue relentless pressure on all fronts

  • Military: Expand liberated areas, disrupt military supply lines, and coordinate among NUG, EROs, and PDFs.
  • Economic: Undermine the military’s revenue streams, expose foreign complicity, and support local economies in resistance-held territories.
  • Political: Boycott sham elections, build inclusive federal structures, and maintain unity among diverse resistance groups.
  • Diplomatic: Engage ASEAN’s progressive members, leverage international platforms like the IPU, and mobilize the diaspora and civil society to keep global attention and pressure on the junta.

2. Support the NUG as the international face of the resistance

The NUG is the only organized leadership recognized internationally and the primary channel for diplomatic engagement and humanitarian aid. 

Constructive criticism and advocacy are healthy and necessary, but efforts to tear down the NUG only serve the miltary’s interests. The resistance, both inside and outside Myanmar, must support the NUG’s legitimacy and work to strengthen its capacity.

3. Form a transitional united front

The NUG and EROs should urgently form a transitional body capable of presenting a united international front. This body should include proportional representation from all major groups, with clear mechanisms for consensus-building, conflict resolution, and shared leadership. A united front will enhance the resistance’s credibility and bargaining power in future negotiations.

4. Foster internal communication and collaboration

The People’s Defense Force (PDF) and other political groups inside Myanmar should prioritize communication, cooperation, coordination, and collaboration with the NUG, rather than disparaging or undermining it. Disunity only benefits the military. A united resistance—militarily, politically, and diplomatically—is imperative for victory.

5. Leverage international opportunities

  • ASEAN: Work with supportive ASEAN members to push for the exclusion of the military from regional forums and recognition of the NUG and EROs as legitimate representatives.
  • Global advocacy: Mobilize the diaspora and civil society to lobby governments and international organizations for sustained sanctions, humanitarian aid, and accountability for the military’s crimes.
  • International platforms: Utilize forums like the IPU and the U.N. to challenge the military’s legitimacy and build alliances with democratic states.

6. Prepare for negotiations—But only from strength

Negotiations may eventually be necessary, but only when the military is too weak to dictate terms. Any talks must be inclusive, involve all resistance stakeholders, and guarantee a path to genuine federal democracy, justice for victims, and the non-return of military dictatorship.

Unity and relentless pressure will lead to victory

Myanmar’s resistance is not just a struggle for power—it is a fight for the nation’s soul. The international community, especially ASEAN and China, must recognize that only a people-led transition can bring true peace and stability. 

The resistance’s best chance is to keep fighting—militarily, economically, politically, and diplomatically—until the military is too weak to dictate terms. Only then will meaningful negotiations, leading to a truly democratic and federal Myanmar, become possible.

A united front—anchored by the NUG, EROs, PDF, and all pro-democracy forces—is not just desirable; it is essential. The sacrifices of the Myanmar people demand nothing less.

James Shwe is a Myanmar democracy activist in the U.S. and is a member of the advocacy groups Free Myanmar and the Los Angeles Myanmar Movement. He has been trying to organize and motivate the Myanmar diaspora to advocate for democracy in Myanmar.

DVB publishes a diversity of opinions that does not reflect DVB editorial policy. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our stories: [email protected]

Can Malaysia save ASEAN’s credibility on Myanmar?

By
CONTRIBUTING AUTHORS
-
0
Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim held a virtual meeting with National Unity Government (NUG) Prime Minister Mahn Winn Khaing Than on April 18 - one day after meeting with regime leader Min Aung Hlaing in Bangkok, Thailand. (Credit: Anwar Ibrahim)

The junta cynically declared a farcical temporary truce until May 31, yet its airstrikes have continued unabated, turning disaster zones into killing fields.

Khin Ohmar for The Jakarta Post

ASEAN has arrived at a moment of reckoning for both its relevance and credibility. Four years on from the Myanmar military’s coup attempt, ASEAN’s response has been marked by failure and complicity in the junta’s crimes.

Its toothless Five-Point Consensus has proven to be little more than a paper shield, offering a veneer of legitimacy for the murderous junta while it commits unspeakable atrocities against the Myanmar people.

So, what now? As Malaysia prepares to host the 46th ASEAN Summit, ASEAN must face a stark reality: Only stronger, decisive actions based on a more principled stance can save lives and lead to a sustainable peace for Myanmar, thus restoring the bloc’s credibility.

This is a test not only of Malaysia’s leadership, but of ASEAN’s collective commitment to its own founding principles of democracy, rule of law and good governance.

Since its illegal coup attempt in February 2021, the Myanmar military junta has waged a relentless campaign of terror against the civilian population. The junta has launched over 4,000 airstrikes, razed more than 100,000 civilian homes and committed over 343 massacres countrywide.

The Sagaing earthquake on March 28 has severely compounded Myanmar’s dire humanitarian crisis, to which the junta has responded with escalating violence, as well as obstruction and weaponization of aid.

ASEAN issued a call for a ceasefire following the earthquake, a gesture that, while welcome, was ultimately hollow.

The junta cynically declared a farcical temporary truce until May 31, yet its airstrikes have continued unabated, turning disaster zones into killing fields. Since the earthquake, the junta has launched over 730 attacks targeting civilians, even in quake-affected areas.

The May 12 airstrike on a school in Sagaing Region, which killed at least 22 children and two teachers, is a horrifying reminder of the junta’s brutality, mere weeks before the ASEAN Summit.

If ASEAN’s words cannot halt the junta’s violence, what purpose do they serve? And what about ASEAN’s actions?

Sadly, ASEAN’s actions have been nothing but misstep after misstep. The recent meeting between Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and junta leader Min Aung Hlaing epitomizes ASEAN’s misguided path. Such reckless engagement only harms the Myanmar people.

It sends a dangerous signal that ASEAN prioritizes political convenience and hollow “dialogue” over the lives and rights of Myanmar people. This is not diplomacy, it is appeasement.

Malaysia, as ASEAN chair, now has an opportunity, as well as a responsibility, to redirect ASEAN’s path. With bold and principled leadership, Malaysia should seize this critical moment to unify the bloc behind the Myanmar people’s revolution to end military tyranny once and for all and establish federal democracy.

First, ASEAN and its members must immediately sever all ties with the junta. No representative of this illegitimate body should be permitted to participate in any ASEAN meetings at any level. The upcoming summit is no exception.

To prove its credibility and relevance, the bloc must completely isolate this illegal junta without delay. Second, ASEAN must formally engage with legitimate representatives of the Myanmar people: The National Unity Government (NUG), Ethnic Resistance Organizations (EROs), and civil society.

These stakeholders have demonstrated genuine commitment to sustainable solutions in line with the Myanmar people’s democratic aspirations and in their best interests: Democracy, federalism and human rights.

ASEAN’s dialogue with these legitimate stakeholders must be formal, high-level and sustained; not confined to backchannels or side meetings. These official engagements must ensure safe space for strategizing and collaborating on the revolution’s political roadmap toward achieving federal democracy and rebuilding the country, which the junta has massively destroyed.

Third, ASEAN’s humanitarian approach in Myanmar requires an immediate overhaul. The current system of channeling aid through the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre) has failed to reach those most in need.

Worse, the AHA Centre has been unable to monitor or report on the junta’s corruption, manipulation, obstruction and weaponization of aid. Instead, ASEAN must collaborate with the NUG and EROs, as well as directly support local civil society and frontline responders, to ensure aid delivery is effective and principled.

Above all, if ASEAN is serious about supporting peace and democracy in Myanmar and ensuring regional stability and development, it must back a Myanmar people-owned-and-led political transformation process. ASEAN must abandon a path favoring the junta chief Min Aung Hlaing and others responsible for mass atrocities and crimes.

Malaysia’s Madani values, which emphasize trust, compassion and sustainability, could serve as the ethical compass ASEAN desperately needs. But values and words alone are insufficient. They must be matched with action.

The longer ASEAN delays this much-needed course correction, the deeper its complicity in the junta’s campaign of violence will become. It all comes down to this: Will ASEAN prolong its complicity in the cycle of military violence and impunity in Myanmar, or will it finally stand with Myanmar’s people and take a principled stand to help resolve the crisis?

Let us remind ASEAN of its Charter, which begins not with governments, but with “We, the peoples of the Member States of ASEAN”. The people of Myanmar have spoken, as is their right. ASEAN must heed their calls. History, as well as the people of Myanmar, will judge and remember ASEAN’s choice. Malaysia’s leadership will be central to that legacy.

Khin Ohmar is a Myanmar human rights activist who was involved in organizing the 1988 nationwide pro-democracy uprising. She is also the founder of Progressive Voice, a Myanmar human rights organization.

Transitional justice for Myanmar video screening and discussion

By
English Editor
-
0
Patrick Burgess, the Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR) president and co-founder, spoke and performed at the Transitional Justice for Burma event at The Commune CNX in Chiang Mai, Thailand, on May 23. (Credit: DVB)

The launch event for the “Transitional Justice For Burma” awareness video and the “Mandalay” music video was held at The Commune CNX in Chiang Mai, Thailand, on May 23. It was organized by Asia Justice And Rights (AJAR) and featured DVB’s Mon Mon Myat as a guest speaker.

“We hope that this video on transitional justice will be seen by a large number of Burmese people who can see that there is a way from this situation where we are now to creating a society that’s built on human rights and justice and the rights of victims,” said Patrick Burgess, the AJAR president and co-founder.

Myanmar actor Duang, who participated in the 2021 anti-coup protests, spoke at the event. Burgess performed his song “Mandalay,” which he wrote after working with political prisoners and torture victims in Myanmar. He dedicated the song to the spirit of Myanmar’s 22,107 political prisoners.

Arakan Army begins recruitment drive by placing travel ban on youth in Rakhine State

By
English Editor
-
0
The Arakan Army held a ceremony after the completion of an officer training course in Rakhine State in July 2023 (Credit: AA )

The Arakan Army (AA) issued a directive on Thursday prohibiting men aged 18 to 45 and women aged 18 to 25, who are eligible to serve in its forces, from leaving Arakan State “until the emergency period caused by the ongoing conflict ends.” This age group is subject to at least two years of mandatory service with the AA.

“Forcing those unwilling to participate in military training is a violation of their individual rights. Human rights violations are not limited to torture or killing, restrictions like this are also violations,” a human rights activist from Arakan State told DVB on condition of anonymity.

The AA claimed that the travel restrictions were a protective measure, citing the risk of arrest, extortion, violence, or forced recruitment by regime forces. It cited its new “National Defence Emergency Provision,” which it enacted on March 18. 

“When implementing policies like this, authorities must describe them clearly and systematically. Otherwise, it can lead to forced recruitment [by its members] on-the-ground,” said Han, a resident of Arakan.

The AA also cited the danger of landmines left behind by regime forces as a reason for restricting movement into and out of Arakan. The regime has cut off all transportation routes by land or sea into Myanmar’s westernmost state. 

Reports of AA forced recruitment began in the townships under its control in March. It is now prohibiting the transportation of those eligible for recruitment out of the region. Exceptions can only be made for those who require urgent medical treatment unavailable at AA-administered health facilities.

“Compulsory military service is wrong regardless of which armed group imposes it, [whether it’s] the Myanmar military or any revolutionary group. The AA obviously feels it needs labor for everything from administrative tasks, policing and likely future fighting,” David Mathieson, an independent analyst on conflict in Myanmar, told DVB.

“Unfortunately, this is yet another symptom of Myanmar falling into a spiral of never-ending violence,” he added.

Critics of the AA have said that the ethnic armed group needs to explain its order in detail, such as how it will be enforced and which actions will be taken against those who violate it. It should also state the exact duration of the order, and the criteria needed to lift it in the future, critics added.

Since the 2021 coup, there have been reports of forced recruitment by other ethnic armed groups such as the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), and the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA).

The regime enforced its military conscription law on Feb. 10, 2024, which has been heavily criticized by the international community. Naypyidaw issued stricter conscription regulations in January – one year after the law’s enactment. It has banned conscription-aged men from leaving the country.

Founded in April 2009, the AA and its political wing, the United League of Arakan (ULA), has become one of Myanmar’s most powerful ethnic armed groups. 

The AA was established with the support of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in Myanmar’s northernmost Kachin State. It didn’t begin major military activities in Arakan until 2015. 

During Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) government from 2016-21 – before it was ousted in the coup and she was jailed alongside President Win Myint – the AA was designated a “terrorist organization.” 

On Nov. 13, 2023, the AA launched a state-wide offensive immediately after the rapid gains made in northern Shan State by its co-members of the Brotherhood Alliance, the TNLA and the MNDAA, after Operation 1027 on Oct. 27, 2023. 

According to an April report by the Human Development Forum Foundation, the AA now commands over 30,000 troops, many of whom are believed to have joined since 2021.

The AA controls 14 of Arakan’s 17 townships, as well as Paletwa Township in neighboring Chinland. The state capital Sittwe, the deep sea port of Kyaukphyu, and the island of Manaung, remain under regime control.

“This [AA forced conscription] is the right thing to do. We are fighting for our liberation. Young people should be given responsibilities and leadership roles. With their participation, we can achieve our goals faster and more effectively,” an activist in Arakan told DVB.

The AA is now fighting on multiple fronts as it has faced attacks from Rohingya armed groups, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), and Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO), along the Myanmar-Bangladesh border since last year.

In January, the AA expanded its Arakan offensive into neighbouring Ayeyarwady, Magway, and Bago regions.

Rohingya refugees increasingly risk perilous journeys to safety, UN says

By
English Editor
-
0
Rohingya refugees hold placards while attending a Ramadan Solidarity Iftar to have an Iftar meal with U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres and Muhammad Yunus, Chief Adviser of Bangladesh Interim Government, at a refugee camp in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, March 14, 2025. (Credit: Reuters)

Dire humanitarian conditions in Myanmar and Bangladesh are driving more Rohingya to risk dangerous boat journeys to safety, such as one this month that ended in a sinking and estimates of 427 deaths, the U.N. refugee agency (UNHCR) said on Friday.

The Rohingya community’s plight might have been worsened by aid funding cuts, the agency added.

The humanitarian sector has been roiled by funding reductions from major donors, led by the U.S. under President Donald Trump, and other Western countries as they prioritize defence spending prompted by growing fears of Russia and China.

Two boats carrying some 514 Rohingya sank on May 9 and 10, carrying refugees who were thought to have left from refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, and Rakhine State in Myanmar.

Only 87 survivors were found, the UNHCR documented. The possible deaths of 427 people would make it the deadliest tragedy at sea involving Rohingya refugees so far this year, according to the U.N. agency.

That people chose to board boats during the annual monsoon season, which brings dangers such as strong winds and rough seas, reflected their desperation, it added.

“The dire humanitarian situation, exacerbated by funding cuts, is having a devastating impact on the lives of Rohingya, with more and more resorting to dangerous journeys to seek safety, protection and a dignified life for themselves and their families,” said Hai Kyung Jun, the director of the UNHCR Regional Bureau for Asia and the Pacific.

“The latest tragedy is a chilling reminder that access to meaningful protection, especially in countries of first asylum, as well as responsibility sharing and collective efforts along sea routes, are essential to saving lives,” Kyung Jun added.

The agency urged more financial support to stabilize the lives of Rohingya refugees in host countries including Bangladesh, and those displaced inside Myanmar. Its request for $383.1 million USD for support in 2025 is currently only 30 per cent funded, it said.

The UNHCR received over $2 billion USD in donations from the U.S. in 2024, or 40 percent of its total donations.

A UNHCR spokesperson said that in March it had frozen more than $300 million USD of planned activities as part of cost-saving.

REUTERS

UN Human Rights Myanmar Chief James Rodehaver [AUDIO]

By
English Editor
-
0

James Rodehaver is the chief of Myanmar team at the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). He sits down with the DVB Newsroom to discuss how the U.N. documents human rights violations and crimes committed by the military in Myanmar.

1...678...2,622Page 7 of 2,622

EDITOR'S PICKS

LONG READS

FOLLOW US

ABOUT DVB

The Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) publishes daily independent news and information across Myanmar and around the world by satellite TV and the internet. DVB was founded in 1992 and is registered as a non-profit association in Thailand.

© Democratic Voice of Burma 2024.

Contact

Feel the passion for press freedom ignite within you.

Join us as a valued contributor to our vibrant community, where your voice harmonizes with the symphony of truth. Together, we'll amplify the power of free journalism.

Support DVB

Free Member

Receive DVB’s Daily Briefing newsletter

Paid Member

Experience DVB ads free and receive DVB’s Daily Briefing newsletter

Already a member? Login

Lost Password?
Contact