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Myanmar embassy in South Korea repeats warning over ‘unauthorized stamps’ in passports

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The National Unity Government representative in South Korea, Hla Naing Htun, with Democratic Party of Korea lawmaker Lee Yong-sun in Seoul on Feb. 25. (Credit: NUG)

The regime Myanmar Embassy in Seoul announced on Tuesday that it will take action against Myanmar nationals in South Korea who extend their stay “using unauthorized stamps” in their passports.

“We have discovered that some passports have been issued with fraudulent stamps. [As a result,] holders of these passports were denied departure at the airport and detained for investigation,” stated the Myanmar Embassy in Seoul on Feb. 25.

It added that it is cooperating with the South Korean authorities to take legal action against Myanmar nationals using “illegal passport stamps.”

The regime issued a similar statement in November, after the National Unity Government (NUG) representative office in South Korea announced that nearly 1,000 Myanmar nationals had renewed their passports through its office.

South Korea’s Ministry of Justice stated last month that it would continue to support migrant workers and students from Myanmar who are unable to extend their passports through the embassy, according to Myanmar activists in South Korea.

The NUG representative in South Korea is Hla Naing Htun. He met with Lee Yong-sun, a lawmaker from the Democratic Party of Korea, in the capital Seoul on Feb. 25. 

During the meeting, Lee expressed his commitment to collaborating “on Myanmar’s democracy-building efforts.”

Seed donation for farmers displaced from their homes in Karen State

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Naw Zember Paw, the founder of Food Not Bombs Kawthoolei, speaks at the seed donation event at Sanimthoon Cafe in Chiang Mai, Thailand, on Feb. 23. (Credit: DVB)

A seed donation event for Karen State was held at Sanimthoon Cafe in Chiang Mai, Thailand on Feb. 23. The Thai and Myanmar communities came together to support Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and farmers in conflict-affected areas of Karen State.

“This program is very significant as it aims to help those in armed conflict areas, like our IDPs, who lack food security in their regions. This could be really helpful for them,” said Naw Zember Paw, the founder of Food Not Bombs Kawthoolei.

The seed donation event featured musical performance, a documentary film screening, and discussion on the theme of climate change and armed conflict, hosted by members of the Karen community in Thailand. Seed donations will be accepted at Sanimthoon Cafe in Chiang Mai until May 31.

Regime artillery base ‘explodes’ during fighting in northern Shan State

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Ta’ang National Liberation Army moves troops to Taunghkam village of Nawnghkio Township, northern Shan State, in September. (Credit: TNLA)

Explosions were reported by the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) at the regime Artillery Battalion 354 during fighting with the military near Taunghkam village in Nawnghkio Township of northern Shan State on Tuesday. Nawnghkio is located 96 miles (154 km) south of the regional capital Lashio. 

“We heard continuous explosions, but we don’t know whether they were from an ammunition depot or an armory. We suspect that artillery shells directly hit the site. There was also artillery support from Pyin Oo Lwin [Mandalay Region],” a TNLA source told DVB. Taunghkam is a strategic village 55 miles (88 km) east of Pyin Oo Lwin in neighbouring Mandalay Region, where the military’s Defence Services Academy (DSA) and several bases are located.

Videos of the explosions inside the regime Artillery Battalion 354 have surfaced on social media, but no independent verification has been made beyond confirmation from anonymous TNLA sources. The Artillery Operations Command (AOC) 902 oversees three artillery battalions: 354, 206 and 406 in Taunghkam. Fighting between the military and the TNLA over control of the bases in northern Shan began last October.

Malaysia immigration raid leads to arrest of 530 Myanmar nationals

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Malaysia immigration detains 530 Myanmar nationals during a raid in Klang, outside of Kuala Lumpur, on Feb. 22. (Credit: Malaysia Immigration Department)

The Myanmar Ethnic Rohingya Human Rights Organization in Malaysia (MERHROM) issued an urgent appeal for the release of Rohingya detainees arrested during a raid by Malaysian immigration officers at Meru Market Complex in Klang, Malaysia, on Saturday. 

“Rohingya who fled genocide in Myanmar are already traumatized and in a very difficult situation. Humanitarian assistance from transit countries like Malaysia is crucial in helping genocide survivors heal from their trauma,” wrote Zafar Ahmad Abdul Ghani, the MERHROM president, in a press release on Feb. 25.

The Meru Market Complex in Klang is located 18 miles (30 km) southwest of Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. The Selangor State immigration department led the raid, which detained a total of 630 individuals, including 530 undocumented Myanmar migrant workers. This number includes Rohingya refugees and asylum seekers from Myanmar.

“This [Klang] area has seen the highest number of arrests recently. Raids are also happening everywhere [in Kuala Lumpur],” Aye Lwin, a spokesperson for the Alliance of Chin Refugees (ACR) in Malaysia, told DVB.

The 630 detained are being held at the Semenyih Immigration Detention Center in Selangor for 14 days, pending investigation. MERHROM called the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Malaysia to assist the government to ensure the protection of vulnerable groups such as the Rohingya.

“We’ve informed the [UNHCR], but we cannot rescue everyone. Those with U.N. applications can defend themselves in court,” Mon Chan, a spokesperson with the Myanmar Labour Affairs and Refugees Organization, told DVB.

Both the Myanmar Labour Affairs and Refugees Organization and ACR told DVB that Myanmar nationals with UNHCR documents, identification, or pending asylum applications will have the opportunity to present their case in a Malaysian court with UNHCR support.

This may allow them to be released from detention, but for those without valid UNHCR documentation they may face fines, prolonged detention, or deportation.

The refugee aid groups added that nearly 1,000 undocumented Myanmar migrant workers, refugees, and asylum seekers have been arrested so far this month across Malaysia, with the majority being detained in the raid on Meru Market Complex in Klang on Feb. 22.

The U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk visited Malaysia in June and asked the government to allow refugees to have access to employment, formal education, healthcare, and other essential services.

UNHCR Malaysia reported last month that 170,920 refugees and asylum seekers registered in Malaysia are from Myanmar. This is out of a total of 192,420 registered refugees inside the country. 

This number includes 111,980 Rohingya, 27,790 Chin, and 31,140 other ethnic nationalities from Myanmar, most of whom are believed to have registered with the UNHCR in Malaysia since the 2021 military coup.

Airstrike on wedding kills over 20 in Magway Region; Calls for Thailand to issue arrest warrants for BGF leaders

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A monastery in Myaing Township of Magway Region, where a wedding ceremony was held, was destroyed by an airstrike on Feb. 25. (Credit: People’s Defense Force)

Airstrike on wedding kills over 20 in Magway Region

Myaing Township residents told DVB that over 20 people were killed by an airstrike carried out by the Burma Air Force on a wedding ceremony in Sonkon village of Myaing Township on Tuesday. Myaing is located 130 miles (209 km) north of the regional capital Magway. 

“We are still documenting the exact number of casualties. The military’s aircraft are still flying [overhead],” a People’s Defense Force (PDF) spokesperson told DVB. The PDF, which was hosting a wedding ceremony for one of its members, urged all residents not to gather in groups and to follow air defense measures. 

Rescue groups are on the scene of the airstrike in Myaing. The Burma Army launched a counteroffensive against resistance forces in villages located along the Pakokku-Myaing road last month. Regime media has not yet reported the airstrike on Myaing, which has been under resistance control since September. 

Pa-O National Army accused of war crimes

Burma War Crimes Investigation accused the pro-military Pa-O National Army (PNA) of committing war crimes against 27 civilians living in southern Shan and Karenni states in its report published on Monday called “The Killing and Detention of Civilians in Southern Shan State, Myanmar.” It stated that five civilians were killed by the PNA from March to November 2024.

A man who escaped PNA detention told the Burma War Crimes Investigation that civilians were taken to a mountain with a sinkhole in Hsihseng Township, located 53 miles (85 km) south of the Shan State capital Taunggyi and 38 miles (61 km) north of the Karenni State capital Loikaw. PNA members then shot and killed two men and pushed their bodies into the sinkhole as others watched.

Hsihseng is located in the Pa-O Self-Administered Zone of southern Shan State, which includes Hopong and Pinlaung townships. The Pa-O National Organization (PNO), the PNA political wing, signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in 1991 with a previous military regime. It has fought alongside current regime forces since the 2021 military coup.

Border Guard Force leader Saw Chit Thu pledged to hand over 6,500 human trafficking victims rescued from three cyber scam centers in Myawaddy Township, Karen State, on Feb. 24. (Credit: DVB)

Calls for Thailand to issue arrest warrants against BGF leaders

Justice for Myanmar has called on Thailand’s government to expedite the issuance of arrest warrants sought by the Department of Special Investigation (DSI) against Karen State Border Guard Force (BGF) leaders Saw Chit Thu, Saw Tin Win, and Saw Mote Thone. Saw Chit Thu told DVB that the BGF wasn’t responsible for human trafficking into cyber scam centers located in Myawaddy Township in BGF-controlled areas.

“It is positive that the DSI is investigating three Karen BGF leaders and it is now imperative that the Thai government follow through by applying for arrest warrants. This is a necessary step towards accountability for victims of the Karen BGF’s crimes,” said Yadanar Maung, the Justice for Myanmar spokesperson.

The Thai authorities were called on to address the root cause of cyber scams and human trafficking along its 1,501 mile (2,416 km) long shared border with Burma. Thailand’s DSI Human Trafficking Crime Bureau requested arrest warrants for the three BGF leaders on Feb. 11. Over 1,000 cyber scam suspects were arrested by the BGF in Shwe Kokko on Feb. 18. 

News by Region

KACHIN—Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) from Mansi Township told DVB that they want to return home after fleeing fighting nine months ago. Mansi is located 133 miles (214 km) south of the Kachin State capital Myitkyina. The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) seized control of Mansi on Feb. 8. 

“We really want to go home if we can,” a Mansi resident told DVB. Fighting between the KIA and the military in Mansi began last March. Mansi residents are not allowed to return to their homes due to the threat of airstrikes and fighting in neighbouring Bhamo.  

MANDALAY—The PDF under the National Unity Government (NUG) told DVB that five of its members, including a battalion commander, were killed in fighting against the Burma Army in Taungtha Township on Saturday. Taungtha is located 82 miles (132 km) southwest of Mandalay. 

“We regret the loss,” a PDF spokesperson told DVB, adding that the commander of the PDF No. 3 Battalion in Myingyan District, along with four other PDF members, were killed during the attack. The PDF No. 1, 2 and 4 battalions withdrew their forces from Taungtha after the attack.

SAGAING—Kalay Township residents told DVB that a hospital and a monastery in Natchaung and Nwarywar villages were destroyed by airstrikes carried out by the Burma Air Force on Sunday after being hit first on Feb. 14. Kalay is located 111 miles (180 km) west of regional capital Monywa. 

“No one was injured in the airstrikes but many homes from Natchaung village were damaged. A market in the village is also shut down indefinitely because of the airstrike,” a Kalay resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity.

(Exchange rate: $1 USD = 4,450 MMK) 

Fragile peace: The role of ceasefires in Myanmar’s ongoing conflict

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The Brotherhood Alliance at the entrance to the Northeastern Regional Military Command (RMC) headquarters after the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) seized control of Lashio, Shan State, on Aug. 3. (Credit: MNDAA)

Guest contributor

Antonio Graceffo

A delegation from the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) recently traveled to Yunnan, China, to negotiate the terms of a Beijing-brokered ceasefire, even as clashes persisted in northern Shan State and across Myanmar.

Meanwhile, Naypyidaw’s delegation includes Ko Ko Oo, the commander of Military Operations Command 1 (MOC-1) in Kyaukme, northern Shan State.

He previously participated in negotiations with the Kokang ethnic armed group, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), a former ally of the TNLA. On Jan. 18, the MNDAA also signed a China-brokered ceasefire.

Ceasefires have been a recurring element in Myanmar’s internal conflicts since the country’s independence in 1948. In 1989, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) initiated the first formal ceasefire with the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), a group that had recently split from the Communist Party of Burma. 

This agreement marked the beginning of numerous ceasefires between the central government and various ethnic armed organizations. For instance, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) entered into a ceasefire with the government in 1994, which lasted until 2011. 

Similarly, the Karen National Union (KNU) signed a ceasefire in 2012 after decades of armed conflict. These agreements aimed to reduce hostilities and pave the way for political dialogue, culminating in the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in 2015, signed by eight EAOs and the government. Despite these efforts, many ceasefires have been fragile, with conflicts resuming due to unmet political expectations and ongoing disputes. 

According to Khun Bedu, the chairperson of the Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF), ceasefire agreements in Myanmar have consistently failed because the military does not grant the concessions that ethnic armed groups demand. 

“Every time there’s a ceasefire agreement, they [the military] break it,” he told me. “Whenever they regain power, the [junta] starts sending back their troops and pressuring all these armed groups.” 

He emphasized that past agreements have often been used as a military strategy rather than a genuine effort to achieve lasting peace. He further explained that some groups enter into ceasefires for practical reasons. 

“The fighting is not good for a particular group’s business or interests,” he added. However, Khun Bedu stressed that these conflicts are also part of a broader political struggle. “As long as the country fails to address political demands, ceasefires will always break, and fighting will resume,” he added.

One common reason given for smaller groups entering ceasefires—despite supporting the revolution—is their size and proximity to junta forces. Many believe that if they were to take up arms, they would either be swiftly defeated or invite devastating airstrikes. 

Some resistance commanders also argue that having a small ceasefire group as a buffer can relieve pressure on EAOs actively engaged in combat. 

This strategic reasoning is also why key locations, such as larger cities and towns, are often left under SAC control, while EAOs focus on administering the surrounding ethnic territories. Sacrificing some areas, they contend, is a necessary compromise to sustain the fight.

However, a long-time veteran of the conflict dismissed this rationale entirely. “Everyone is too small and too close to the [junta] to fight. And yet, they are fighting. If they thought like this, there would be no revolution,” he said.

If being “too small” or “too close to the [junta]” is not the real reason for ceasefires, then the motivation often comes down to personal or organizational interests. A spokesperson for a prominent ethnic armed group, who requested anonymity to avoid causing friction between EAOs, explained that many ceasefire agreements are driven by self-preservation rather than national concerns.

“The ceasefires between some armed groups and the [junta] are based on their own organizational or personal interests, not national interests,” the spokesperson told me on the condition of anonymity. 

He added that this is why certain groups maintain good relations with the junta and choose not to join the fight, despite widespread public support for the resistance. While some ceasefire groups maintain neutrality or prioritize self-preservation, others quietly support the revolution without engaging in direct combat. These groups navigate a delicate balance—avoiding open confrontation with the junta while still contributing to the broader resistance in strategic ways.

In Karenni State, the Karenni National People’s Liberation Front (KNPLF) exemplifies this dynamic. Historically maintaining a ceasefire with the Myanmar military, the KNPLF nevertheless expressed support for the revolution. 

In June 2023, the group formally defected from the junta, aligning itself with anti-junta forces, including the Karenni Army (KA), the KNDF, and the People’s Defence Force (PDF). This marked a significant shift, transforming the KNPLF from a ceasefire group into an active participant in the resistance.

Another ceasefire group in Karenni State, the Kayan New Land Party (KNLP), signed an agreement with the government in the 1990s and has remained out of armed conflict since. While the KNLP has not publicly declared support for the revolution, it has quietly facilitated resistance efforts by allowing revolutionary forces to transit through its controlled areas.

The United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) have historically maintained ceasefires with Myanmar’s central government. While both groups have not actively engaged in combat against the junta, their positions differ.

The UWSA maintains strict neutrality, focusing on self-governance within its territories and avoiding involvement in the current civil unrest. However, reports indicate that the UWSA has been a significant source of arms and ammunition for various resistance groups. This support has been substantial enough that, in mid-2024, China pressured the UWSA to reduce or cease its weapons sales to other groups, aiming to stabilize the region and limit the escalation of conflict. 

The MNDAA has had a turbulent relationship with the central government. After maintaining a ceasefire from 1989 to 2009, intermittent clashes resumed in the following years. 

In response, China has increasingly stepped in as a mediator, brokering ceasefires between the Myanmar military and ethnic armed organizations, primarily to safeguard its strategic interests in regional stability. 

However, these agreements have repeatedly collapsed, raising doubts about Beijing’s approach and exposing the underlying fragility of such truces.

China’s primary motivation for brokering ceasefires is not genuine peacekeeping but the protection of its economic and strategic interests, particularly resource extraction, large-scale infrastructure projects like the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC), and critical trade routes. 

These corridors are essential to China’s economy, ensuring the steady flow of goods, energy, and raw materials. While border stability plays a role, Beijing’s involvement in ceasefire negotiations is largely transactional—aimed at preventing disruptions to its investments rather than addressing the root causes of Myanmar’s conflict.

This explains why many of China’s brokered agreements fail; they do not resolve the political grievances of EAOs but instead serve China’s economic interests. When clashes threaten key trade routes, such as those connecting Yunnan to Myanmar’s ports, China intervenes to secure temporary truces. However, once its interests are safeguarded, Beijing exerts little pressure to ensure compliance.

This pattern was evident in January 2025, when China facilitated a ceasefire between the junta and the MNDAA after fighting near strategic border trade hubs. It was the second such ceasefire in just over a year—the January 2024 ceasefire collapsed within months as neither side honored their commitments. 

The frequent failure of these agreements highlights the fragility of China’s mediation, which is driven by economic necessity rather than a genuine commitment to resolving Myanmar’s civil war.

The repeated collapse of ceasefires in Myanmar stems from deep mistrust between the military and EAOs, as well as China’s self-interested mediation, which prioritizes economic stability over political reconciliation. 

These agreements, lacking legitimacy and local support, serve as temporary pauses rather than lasting solutions, with conflict reigniting once immediate economic concerns are addressed.

At its core, Myanmar’s war is not just about armed survival but a fight for political transformation and federal democracy. The resistance seeks a decentralized system that grants ethnic states genuine autonomy over internal governance, security, and resource management—a demand no ceasefire agreement has addressed. 

As long as these aspirations remain unmet, ceasefires will continue to fail. True and lasting peace can only be achieved when the junta steps down, general elections are held, and a federal system with meaningful state-level autonomy is established.


Antonio Graceffo, PhD, holds advanced degrees in economics and national security. A graduate of American Military University, he has spent more than 20 years in Asia, contributing to think tanks and international media. 

DVB publishes a diversity of opinions that does not reflect DVB editorial policy. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our stories: [email protected]

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