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Son-in-law of former dictator Than Shwe sentenced to three years

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A photo of Nay Soe Maung at an anti-coup protest in Yangon in 2021. The physician and son-in-law of former Myanmar military regime leader Than Shwe was arrested on Oct. 23 (Credit: Nay Soe Maung Facebook)

Mandalay’s Obo Prison court sentenced Nay Soe Maung, a physician and the son-in-law of former dictator Than Shwe, to three years in prison under Section 505 (A) of the Penal Code for “spreading false news and causing fear amongst the people” on Jan. 16.  

“The court reduced charges related to the Counter-Terrorism Law. His case was accepted by the Pyigyitagon Township court and sentenced by the Obo Prison court,” a source close to the court told DVB on the condition of anonymity. 

Nay Soe Maung, who lives in Mayangon Township of Yangon, was arrested in Pyigyitagon Township of Mandalay on Oct. 23 for allegedly using social media to “threaten the stability of the state.” 

He had posted condolences over the death of Zaw Myint Maung, the ousted Mandalay Chief Minister and vice-chair of the National League for Democracy (NLD) party, who died at Mandalay General hospital on Oct. 7 – one day after the regime granted him an amnesty on “medical grounds.” 

Pyigyitagon Township court filed four initial charges against Nay Soe Maung, under Section 52 (A) of the Counter-Terrorism Law, Section 124 (A) of the Penal Code, which is widely known as the Sedition law, as well as Section 33 (A) of the Electronic Transactions Law and Section 505 (A) of the Penal Code.  

Nay Soe Maung, 68, is a retired colonel and the former superintendent of the Mingaladon Military Hospital in Yangon. His father is Tin Sein, a serving major general in the military. He is married to former army general Than Shwe’s daughter Kyi Kyi Swe. 

The military regime arrested Ye Htut, a military officer and former minister, on Oct. 28, 2023, for criticizing the military. He was sentenced to a total of ten years in prison under the Section 505 (A) and Section 124 (D) of the Penal Code.

Myanmar press council ‘missing information about detained journalists’

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Anti-coup protesters in Yangon raise awareness about the arrest of journalists reporting on the protests following the military coup on Feb. 1, 2021. (Credit: DVB)

The Independent Press Council Myanmar (IPCM) has documented that a total of seven journalists have been killed and over 200 have been arrested by the regime, which seized power after the 2021 military coup, while 43 journalists are still being held in detention with 11 of them serving long-term prison sentences, including life imprisonment. 

“There is still a lot of missing information about detained journalists. We will continue our database work, not just to assist but to ensure that those arrested and tortured like criminals will one day face justice,” Nan Paw Gay, the IPCM chairperson, told DVB after the press council released a statement on Saturday

The IPCM added that the regime has unjustly arrested journalists and charged them under the Penal Code, the Unlawful Associations Act, the Telecommunications Law, the Immigration Act, the Export-Import Law, the Explosive Substances Act, the Natural Disaster Management Law, and the Counter-Terrorism Law.

The regime has also revoked the media licences of 15 news agencies, including the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), Mizzima, The Irrawaddy, Khit Thit Media, Myanmar Now and 7Day News.

In November 2021, amendments to the Television and Radio Broadcasting Law allowed the regime to appoint its officials to the Broadcasting Council.

It amended the original law, drafted in 2015, to introduce a maximum punishment of five years in prison, in addition to fines, for broadcasting without a licence. This includes broadcasting online.

This month, the regime announced its long-awaited cybersecurity law, which targets circumvention tools such as Virtual Private Networks (VPN). These allow netizens to bypass blocked websites and social media platforms by hiding users’ online activity from internet service providers. 

Myanmar netizens have turned to VPNs to access banned news websites and their social media accounts. The regime blocked access to Facebook and several news websites following the 2021 coup. 

The IPCM was established in Chiang Mai, Thailand in December 2023 to promote media freedom in Myanmar, enhance security and protection for journalists.

Political prisoners in Myanmar ‘suffering from malnutrition’

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The entrance gate at Loikaw Prison in 2020. (Credit: DVB)

Around 20 political prisoners at Loikaw Prison are suffering from malnutrition as a result of cuts to food rations, a lack of physical activity, and restrictions on family visitations, according to the Karenni Political Prisoners Association (KPPA), a civil society group that monitors prisons in Karenni State.

“The military troops have also positioned themselves in the prison so the prisoners cannot walk or do any exercises. This combined with malnutrition may lead to weakness in limbs,” Aung Myo Kyaw, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) joint secretary, told DVB. 

He added that Loikaw Prison has over 400 inmates, including around 120 political prisoners. Prison officials are also reportedly facing shortages of food since fighting has escalated between the military and Karenni resistance forces. 

The Karenni resistance has claimed to have seized control of six towns in Karenni and Shan states: Mese, Demoso, Ywa Thit, Shadaw, Mawchi and Moebye. While they had controlled roughly 80 percent of the state capital Loikaw since an offensive was launched in November 2023, the military regained control of the city last June.

For each political prisoner, the regime’s Prisons Department has allocated a monthly healthcare budget of just 1,100 MMK ($0.24 USD at the current market rate), according to the Political Prisoners Network of Myanmar (PPNM).

It added that 22 political prisoners across the country died last year due to inadequate medical care and claimed that the exact number could be even higher given that the regime doesn’t allow monitors, nor the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), to access its prison system. 

Zaw Myint Maung, Mandalay Region chief minister and vice chair of the National League for Democracy (NLD) party, – arrested after the 2021 coup – died of leukemia one day after his release from Mandalay Prison on medical grounds. He was serving a 29-year sentence at Obo Prison.

Nyan Win, an NLD Central Executive Committee (CEC) member and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi’s personal lawyer, died in prison from COVID-19 in 2021.

Many NLD leaders held in prison are elderly and require constant medical care. NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who is serving a 27-year prison sentence in Naypyidaw, will turn 80 this year. Her son, Kim Aris, has launched a campaign ahead of her birthday on June 19 to raise awareness about her detention by the regime over the last four years.

NLD patron Win Htein is the oldest among the detained NLD leaders at 83. He is currently serving a 20-year prison sentence. President Win Myint, who is serving eight years in prison, is 73. 

“We must win this Spring Revolution so we can free political prisoners ourselves,” added Aung Myo Kyaw, referring to the armed uprising against the military that followed the crackdown on peaceful anti-coup protests. 

Since the 2021 coup, 28,350 people have been arrested for political reasons and 21,632 remain in regime detention or have been sentenced, according to the AAPP.

A rebuttal to the allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi and a call for perspective

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Myanmar State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi delivers a speech to the nation on the situation in Rakhine (Arakan) State, from Naypyidaw in September 2017. (Credit: Reuters)

Guest contributors

Alan Clements & Fergus Harlow

Myanmar is in freefall. Since the military coup in 2021, the country has plunged into unrelenting chaos: widespread atrocities, thousands of lives lost, and over two million people displaced. 

Attempting to obliterate democracy itself, a brutally oppressive junta has compounded the systematic dismantling of democratic institutions with the imprisonment of all elected leaders—Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, cabinet ministers, and over 21,000 prisoners of conscience.

Yet, amid the horrors of this harrowing landscape, many critics choose to target not the architects of this tragedy, the junta, but its most prominent victim.

Benedict Rogers’ recent article, “The world must end its silence on Aung San Suu Kyi” in Union of Catholic Asian News on Jan. 17  indulges in distorted half-truths. 

Despite his so-called good intentions, Rogers casts Aung San Suu Kyi as the villain in a tragedy engineered by the very junta she has consistently opposed.

This is not journalism—it’s the rhetorical equivalent of lighting a pyre beneath a woman enduring her 19th year of imprisonment, in her fourth concurrent year in solitary confinement, and calling it justice.

Mainstream news has taken to calling Myanmar a “forgotten country,” but a documentary from The Independent last December reveals a country not forgotten but deliberately ignored. 

Some lament the fall of “the one democratic hope that Burma had,” her betrayal by those who unreasonably expected a saint and then abandoned her when sullied by realpolitik.

“Some journalists I speak to now admit they got it wrong about my mother,” explains Aung San Suu Kyi’s son, Kim Aris, featured prominently in the film, talking to us before its release. 

Research from organizations like Care International charts a clear relationship between Western reporting, exacerbated sectarian violence, and increasing nationalism. 

As Sir John Jenkins, former U.K. ambassador to Myanmar, explains in the documentary, Suu Kyi’s abandonment by her ‘international friends’ during the Rohingya crisis enabled the military to launch its 2021 coup d’état.

The Hague defense: A tightrope over an abyss

Labeling Suu Kyi’s 2019 defense of Myanmar at The International Court of Justice (ICJ) as a “defense of the military” by a “genocide apologist” carries as much weight as a shadow on a sidewalk. 

She undertook a delicate legal and diplomatic defense of her country, at a time when abandoning internal judicial processes to international intervention would have made things worse.

International observers stubbornly failed to frame sectarian violence as inter-communal, ignoring the reality that condemnation of either Buddhist or Muslim communities would have only fanned the flames. Addressing the ICJ, Suu Kyi declared:

“Myanmar will have no tolerance for human rights abuses committed in Rakhine State and will prosecute the military if war crimes have been committed there.”

These statements were not denials of atrocities but rather acknowledgments of Myanmar’s challenges. 

Her appearance at The Hague was not a declaration of complicity but an act of survival. To brand Suu Kyi a collaborator is to ignore the suffocating grip the military held over her government.

Power-sharing as “collusion”

Aung San Suu Kyi’s political philosophy emphasized peace through dialogue and non-vilification. This approach stands out as a rare strategy in a world that often divides, demonizes, and retaliates. 

The insinuations of collusion dismiss Suu Kyi’s intentions and deny the reality of Myanmar’s 2008 Constitution as an instrument of military control. 

Dismantling the military was never an option. The system she inherited was designed to obstruct civilian control, making incremental reform the only realistic path forward.

Critics who accuse Suu Kyi of failing to dismantle the junta’s power overlook an essential fact: dismantling the military was never an option.

The real question is not why Suu Kyi failed to dismantle the junta, but why critics are so eager to transfer blame for the military’s crimes onto her shoulders.

Attacks and the Kofi Annan Commission: A convenient omission

Any analysis of Aung San Suu Kyi’s leadership during the Rakhine State crisis that omits the brutal attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) is not just incomplete; it is intentionally misleading. 

These coordinated attacks by the Islamic terrorist group were a deliberate provocation. ARSA’s goal was to destabilize the region and provoke military retaliation.

The formation of the Kofi Annan Commission on Rakhine State was an extraordinary act of political courage in a country deeply fractured by ethnic divisions. 

Critics often dismiss it as a public relations stunt, ignoring the commission’s real significance. Suu Kyi’s leadership during this time laid the groundwork for reconciliation.

Ignoring ARSA’s calculated provocation is akin to analyzing the horrors following October 7 in Israel without acknowledging the Hamas attacks that precipitated the escalation. 

Blaming Suu Kyi for the military’s obstruction is as irrational as blaming a firefighter for the crimes of an arsonist.

The people’s mandate: A testament to resilience

Under her guidance, the National League for Democracy (NLD) became a symbol of defiant yet peaceful opposition to the junta. 

By the 2020 elections, despite systemic repression, the people of Myanmar overwhelmingly entrusted Suu Kyi with their democratic aspirations. 

Each vote cast for the NLD was a profound act of defiance—a declaration that the people of Myanmar refused to bow to authoritarianism.

Yet critics trivialize this victory and dismiss Suu Kyi’s leadership as a failure. Such criticism disregards the sacrifices of millions who risked their safety and livelihoods to support her vision of a free Myanmar.

The true villains: A junta that thrives on oppression

The fixation on Aung San Suu Kyi’s perceived failings obscures the crimes of the military generals, led by Min Aung Hlaing, who have orchestrated a reign of terror for decades. 

These are the men who planned and executed the 2021 coup, dismantling democracy, and plunging the country into chaos.

Aung San Suu Kyi’s leadership and the NLD’s electoral victories were direct challenges to this entrenched system of terror. To criticize Suu Kyi while downplaying the junta’s crimes distorts reality. 

If there is a failure to hold the military accountable, it is not Suu Kyi’s failure—it is the world’s failure to confront the true perpetrators of Myanmar’s tragedy.

Reevaluating the narrative

It is time to stop using Aung San Suu Kyi as a scapegoat for Myanmar’s suffering. Her critics—many of whom once hailed her as a beacon of hope—owe her more than criticism; they owe her an apology. 

The military junta has always been the primary architect of Myanmar’s oppression. Suu Kyi, though far from a perfect leader, represented the aspirations of millions who dared to dream of freedom. 

To continue vilifying her diminishes the extraordinary resilience of a nation fighting for its dignity.

A call to action

Aung San Suu Kyi’s imprisonment is not just a personal tragedy—it is a profound injustice and a betrayal of democracy itself. Her detainment symbolizes the suffocation of a nation’s hopes. 

The global community must do more than demand her release; it must confront the smear campaign that has unfairly tarnished her legacy.

Let history judge Suu Kyi for what she truly is: a courageous leader who navigated impossible circumstances, a flawed yet defiant symbol of her people’s struggle, and a voice for reconciliation in a nation fractured by decades of terror.

The call is clear: #FreeAungSanSuuKyi and hold the true villains—the junta—accountable for their crimes.


Alan Clements is an author, investigative journalist, and former Buddhist monk ordained in Myanmar, where he lived for years immersed in the country’s spiritual and political landscapes. He is the author of Burma: The Next Killing Fields? and The Voice of Hope, co-authored with Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as the four-volume Burma’s Voices of Freedom and Aung San Suu Kyi From Prison and a Letter to a Dictator. His decades-long work focuses on Myanmar’s ongoing struggle for democracy, human rights, and spiritual resilience.

Fergus Harlow is a writer, scholar, and human rights advocate. He co-authored Burma’s Voices of Freedom and Aung San Suu Kyi From Prison and a Letter to a Dictator, providing an in-depth exploration of Myanmar’s political crises and the resilience of its people. Harlow’s work centers on the intersections of democracy, spirituality, and global human rights.

DVB publishes a diversity of opinions that does not reflect DVB editorial policy. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our stories: [email protected]

Vietnam offers to host peace talks on Myanmar crisis; Thailand says its ‘not to blame’ for cyber scam operations

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Vietnam’s Prime Minister Phạm Minh Chính talks with UN Special Envoy on Myanmar Julie Bishop in Davos, Switzerland on Jan. 22. (Credit: Viet Nam News)

Vietnam offers to host peace talks on Myanmar crisis

Vietnam state media reported that Prime Minister Phạm Minh Chính offered his country as a potential diplomatic bridge for Burma’s crisis, which has engulfed the nation and has crippled the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) since the 2021 military coup. Vietnam’s Prime Minister met with U.N. Special Envoy Julie Bishop at the 55th World Economic Forum (WEF) in Davos, Switzerland on Wednesday

“Việt Nam opposed embargo measures that negatively impact the lives of the Myanmar people and the Myanmar issue must be resolved by the Myanmar people themselves, through agreement, compromise, and the involvement of all relevant parties,” Vietnam News reported Prime Minister Phạm Minh Chính as saying at the WEF.

He told Bishop that Vietnam was committed to facilitating dialogue among stakeholders in Burma to help stabilize the country. Bishop reportedly welcomed the proposal and pledged to collaborate further with ASEAN to achieve this. The U.S. government sanctioned Mytel, a joint venture between the military and Vietnam’s Viettel, on Jan. 6

Bangkok says its ‘not to blame’ for cyber scam operations

Thailand’s Deputy Prime Minister and Defense Minister Phumtham Wechayachai has rejected claims made by the regime in Naypyidaw that Bangkok is partly to blame for the proliferation of online scam operations along the Burma-Thai border, saying that “the problem is a complicated matter that concerns multiple parties.”

“I don’t understand why it is so extremely difficult for the [Provincial Electricity Authority] to take action. How shameful it is to have the Myanmar media saying that Thailand, as the supplier of energy [for the scam hubs], is supporting the crimes.” said Rangsiman Rome, the chairperson of Thailand’s House Committee on State Security, Border Affairs, National Strategy and Reform.

Regime media reported on Jan. 20 that electricity and internet to cyber scam operations in Karen State’s Shwe Kokko, located 16 miles (25 km) north of Myawaddy town across the border from Thailand’s Tak Province, comes from “other countries.” Myawaddy Township is adjacent to Mae Sot, Thailand and 140 miles (225 km) east of the state capital Hpa-An. 

Ma Thida is a Burmese medical doctor, writer, human rights activist and former prisoner of conscience. She spoke to DVB on Jan. 24. (Credit: PEN Transmissions)

Ma Thida on Myanmar’s struggle for democracy from 2011-23

Ma Thida is a medical doctor, writer, human rights activist and former prisoner of conscience. She founded and served until 2016 as president of PEN Myanmar, whose mission includes monitoring issues related to freedom of expression, developing a culture of literature in Myanmar, and making it a part of the country’s educational curriculum. 

“We were all thinking we were on the road to democracy. And whatever the obstacle is or blocking us, we will overcome it. But during the past decades, we were a little bit confused. We are still on the road to democracy. But after the 2021 coup attempt, a lot of people started saying, it’s [a] U-turn,” Ma Thida told DVB. “We were at some point from point A to point B, and then back to point A, that means the U-turn.” 

Ma Thida is the author of the book A-Maze: Myanmar’s Struggle for Democracy, 2011-2023. Read an excerpt from her new book on our website. Watch DVB Newsroom on DVB English News YouTube or Spotify. It’s also available to listen to on Apple Podcasts, YouTube Music, Audible, Amazon Music, or wherever you get podcasts.

News by Region 

ARAKAN—Fortify Rights responded to the Arakan Army (AA) admission of guilt in executing two prisoners of war, calling for details on the actions it has taken against those responsible, and for it to cooperate with international justice mechanisms. The group published leaked videos allegedly showing AA members cutting the throats of two prisoners of war.

“It’s not enough to merely say that the perpetrators have been punished. The AA must be transparent about who was held accountable, what actions were taken, and share this information with international investigators without delay,” said Ejaz Min Khant, a human rights associate at Fortify Rights. 

SHAN—The Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) claimed that two people were killed and more than 20 others were injured by airstrikes carried out by the Burma Air Force on a public hospital in Kyaukme, northern Shan State, on Saturday. Kyaukme is located 68 miles (109 km) southwest of the regional capital Lashio and 107 miles (172 km) east of Mandalay. It came under TNLA control on Aug. 5.  

“The military intentionally targets the hospital where people receive medical treatment. One of the rooms inside the hospital was destroyed and two women, including a nurse, were killed instantly. The authorities shut down the area after recovering the bodies,” a Kyaukme resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity. The 150-bed hospital was built in 1967 and has been run by the TNLA since it took control of the town. 

(Exchange rate: $1 USD = 4,600 MMK)

Read: How China’s plan to seize Taiwan depends on Myanmar. Find DVB English News on X, Facebook, Instagram, Threads & TikTok. Subscribe to us on YouTube.

Min Maw Kun film fundraiser to assist Myanmar refugees

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Myanmar Academy Award winning actor Min Maw Kun at Chiang Mai University (CMU) Communications Innovation Center (CIC) for a film fundraising event on Jan. 20. (Credit: DVB)

Myanmar Academy Award winning actor Min Maw Kun helped host a film fundraiser for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Chiang Mai, Thailand on Jan. 20. The Myanmar language films “Wide Awake” and “Together” were screened at Chiang Mai University, which shone a spotlight on the resistance to the 2021 military coup. Organizers told DVB that the event raised nearly 28 million Myanmar kyats, or $6,034 USD. Check out photos of the film fundraiser here.

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