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Vietnam offers to host peace talks on Myanmar crisis; Thailand says its ‘not to blame’ for cyber scam operations

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Vietnam’s Prime Minister Phạm Minh Chính talks with UN Special Envoy on Myanmar Julie Bishop in Davos, Switzerland on Jan. 22. (Credit: Viet Nam News)

Vietnam offers to host peace talks on Myanmar crisis

Vietnam state media reported that Prime Minister Phạm Minh Chính offered his country as a potential diplomatic bridge for Burma’s crisis, which has engulfed the nation and has crippled the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) since the 2021 military coup. Vietnam’s Prime Minister met with U.N. Special Envoy Julie Bishop at the 55th World Economic Forum (WEF) in Davos, Switzerland on Wednesday

“Việt Nam opposed embargo measures that negatively impact the lives of the Myanmar people and the Myanmar issue must be resolved by the Myanmar people themselves, through agreement, compromise, and the involvement of all relevant parties,” Vietnam News reported Prime Minister Phạm Minh Chính as saying at the WEF.

He told Bishop that Vietnam was committed to facilitating dialogue among stakeholders in Burma to help stabilize the country. Bishop reportedly welcomed the proposal and pledged to collaborate further with ASEAN to achieve this. The U.S. government sanctioned Mytel, a joint venture between the military and Vietnam’s Viettel, on Jan. 6

Bangkok says its ‘not to blame’ for cyber scam operations

Thailand’s Deputy Prime Minister and Defense Minister Phumtham Wechayachai has rejected claims made by the regime in Naypyidaw that Bangkok is partly to blame for the proliferation of online scam operations along the Burma-Thai border, saying that “the problem is a complicated matter that concerns multiple parties.”

“I don’t understand why it is so extremely difficult for the [Provincial Electricity Authority] to take action. How shameful it is to have the Myanmar media saying that Thailand, as the supplier of energy [for the scam hubs], is supporting the crimes.” said Rangsiman Rome, the chairperson of Thailand’s House Committee on State Security, Border Affairs, National Strategy and Reform.

Regime media reported on Jan. 20 that electricity and internet to cyber scam operations in Karen State’s Shwe Kokko, located 16 miles (25 km) north of Myawaddy town across the border from Thailand’s Tak Province, comes from “other countries.” Myawaddy Township is adjacent to Mae Sot, Thailand and 140 miles (225 km) east of the state capital Hpa-An. 

Ma Thida is a Burmese medical doctor, writer, human rights activist and former prisoner of conscience. She spoke to DVB on Jan. 24. (Credit: PEN Transmissions)

Ma Thida on Myanmar’s struggle for democracy from 2011-23

Ma Thida is a medical doctor, writer, human rights activist and former prisoner of conscience. She founded and served until 2016 as president of PEN Myanmar, whose mission includes monitoring issues related to freedom of expression, developing a culture of literature in Myanmar, and making it a part of the country’s educational curriculum. 

“We were all thinking we were on the road to democracy. And whatever the obstacle is or blocking us, we will overcome it. But during the past decades, we were a little bit confused. We are still on the road to democracy. But after the 2021 coup attempt, a lot of people started saying, it’s [a] U-turn,” Ma Thida told DVB. “We were at some point from point A to point B, and then back to point A, that means the U-turn.” 

Ma Thida is the author of the book A-Maze: Myanmar’s Struggle for Democracy, 2011-2023. Read an excerpt from her new book on our website. Watch DVB Newsroom on DVB English News YouTube or Spotify. It’s also available to listen to on Apple Podcasts, YouTube Music, Audible, Amazon Music, or wherever you get podcasts.

News by Region 

ARAKAN—Fortify Rights responded to the Arakan Army (AA) admission of guilt in executing two prisoners of war, calling for details on the actions it has taken against those responsible, and for it to cooperate with international justice mechanisms. The group published leaked videos allegedly showing AA members cutting the throats of two prisoners of war.

“It’s not enough to merely say that the perpetrators have been punished. The AA must be transparent about who was held accountable, what actions were taken, and share this information with international investigators without delay,” said Ejaz Min Khant, a human rights associate at Fortify Rights. 

SHAN—The Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) claimed that two people were killed and more than 20 others were injured by airstrikes carried out by the Burma Air Force on a public hospital in Kyaukme, northern Shan State, on Saturday. Kyaukme is located 68 miles (109 km) southwest of the regional capital Lashio and 107 miles (172 km) east of Mandalay. It came under TNLA control on Aug. 5.  

“The military intentionally targets the hospital where people receive medical treatment. One of the rooms inside the hospital was destroyed and two women, including a nurse, were killed instantly. The authorities shut down the area after recovering the bodies,” a Kyaukme resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity. The 150-bed hospital was built in 1967 and has been run by the TNLA since it took control of the town. 

(Exchange rate: $1 USD = 4,600 MMK)

Read: How China’s plan to seize Taiwan depends on Myanmar. Find DVB English News on X, Facebook, Instagram, Threads & TikTok. Subscribe to us on YouTube.

Min Maw Kun film fundraiser to assist Myanmar refugees

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Myanmar Academy Award winning actor Min Maw Kun at Chiang Mai University (CMU) Communications Innovation Center (CIC) for a film fundraising event on Jan. 20. (Credit: DVB)

Myanmar Academy Award winning actor Min Maw Kun helped host a film fundraiser for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Chiang Mai, Thailand on Jan. 20. The Myanmar language films “Wide Awake” and “Together” were screened at Chiang Mai University, which shone a spotlight on the resistance to the 2021 military coup. Organizers told DVB that the event raised nearly 28 million Myanmar kyats, or $6,034 USD. Check out photos of the film fundraiser here.

Myanmar military drone strike on Kachin Independence Army headquarters of Laiza

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A Myanmar military armored vehicle is inspected by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) after it seized the Armored Battalion in Bhamo, Kachin State, on Jan. 24. (Credit: Kachin News Group)

The military carried out a drone strike on Laiza, a Myanmar-China border town known as the headquarters of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), in Kachin State on Friday. Laiza is located 71 miles (114 km) south of the Kachin State capital Myitkyina.

Laiza residents told DVB that two attacks happened after news spread on social media that the KIA seized an Armored Battalion in Bhamo, located 59 miles (94 km) south of the KIA headquarters in Laiza.

“One of the bombs landed over the Myitkyina Hotel in the town. Luckily nobody was injured but some parts of the building was damaged,” another Laiza resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity. 

The KIA and its allied resistance forces launched an offensive to take the southern Kachin city of Bhamo on Dec. 4. The Kachin News Group (KNG) reported that the KIA seized an Armored Battalion, including four armored vehicles and a captain, in Bhamo on Jan. 24. 

A source close to the KIA told KNG that fighting with the Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 47 and the No. 12 Operation Command Headquarters is ongoing in southern Kachin State. 

“KIA forces circled those two [military outposts] and cut off all resources like food and water,” a source close to the KIA told KNG.

The KIA seized control of Mansi, 71 miles (114 km) south of Laiza and 133 miles (214 km) south of Myitkyina, on Jan. 8. It launched its statewide offensive against the regime on March 7.

Mogok residents complain about forced recruitment by the Ta’ang National Liberation Army in Mandalay Region

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A graduation ceremony for new recruits held by the Ta’ang National Liberation Army at an undisclosed location in northern Shan State on Nov. 13. (Credit: TNLA)

Residents of Mogok Township in northern Mandalay Region told DVB that they have been facing forced recruitment by the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) in villages home to the ethnic Palaung (Ta’ang) nationality. Mogok is located 129 miles (207 km) northeast of the city of Mandalay.

The TNLA and the Mandalay People’s Defense Force (MPDF) took control of Mogok, which is famed for its ruby mines, on July 24

“We have been told that If we have children, one of them must join the [TNLA]. If the children are away, parents must go instead of them no matter their age. Later, the children can switch places with their parents,” a Mogok resident told DVB on the condition of anonymity. 

Residents added that the TNLA began forced recruitment in the third week of January at Painpyit, Bawlongyi, and other nearby villages around Mogok. They have been told that one person per household must join the ethnic armed group. 

“It is difficult for the households which have elders. [TNLA] demands even from households where there are only two persons. We can’t even make a living because of the fighting but they are not listening,” another Mogok resident told DVB. 

The TNLA spokesperson Lway Yay Oo told DVB that one person per household must join as new recruits or face action, although she did not elaborate further. Some residents report that homes of those who evade service in the TNLA have been boarded up.

But Lway Yay Oo explained that this was done to protect families’ homes from “thieves.” She added that complaints can be made directly to TNLA officials if its members mistreat civilians. 

The TNLA began recruiting in at least six villages around Mogok last July, after it seized control of the town. These are the second reports from Mogok residents that the TNLA has begun forced recruitment among the civilian population.

Naypyidaw issues stricter military conscription regulations nearly one year after law enacted

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Regime officials and military personnel welcome new conscripts to the nith intake at a military training school in an undisclosed location on Jan. 20. (Credit: Regime media)

The regime in Naypyidaw, which seized power after the 2021 military coup, issued stricter regulations for its military conscription law on Thursday, nearly one year after the law was enacted on Feb. 10, 2024.

It has ordered those selected for military conscription, who have passed medical examinations and are on waiting lists to attend training, to be barred from leaving the country without prior authorization. 

It also states that civil servants will be subject to military service and will either receive their current salaries, or one based on their new military roles.

And those who have previously completed their military service, may be recalled to the frontline if deemed necessary by the regime. 

Myanmar citizens living abroad are not exempt. Those eligible for conscription must register for military conscription through their family household lists. If they are absent, their families must provide “solid evidence” explaining their location and the reason for their absence. 

Failure to present “credible evidence” will be considered “a deliberate attempt to avoid public duty” and face legal action. Military service education is to be integrated into the national school curriculum.

The conscription law stipulates that males aged 18-35 and females aged 18-27 are subject to military service. Additionally, professionals such as doctors and engineers are required to serve until the age of 45 for men and 35 for women. 

The standard term of service is at least two years, but the law states that this could be extended up to five years during “emergencies.”

Myanmar has been under a state of emergency since the military coup on Feb. 1, 2021,

The first batch of military conscripts began training last April. To date, nine intakes of conscripts have received training. Women have not yet faced conscription for military training.

Regime spokesperson Zaw Min Tun said last February that the military expected 5,000 new conscripts from each intake. The Burma Affairs and Conflict Studies (BACS) stated that over 21,000 conscripts from intakes 1-6 have received training at 23 military schools nationwide.

Editor in exile: One journalist’s daring escape from Myanmar

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Kyaw Min Swe was an influential journalist in Myanmar for more than 25 years. He now lives in exile with his family in Berlin, Germany. (Credit: AP)

Index travels to Germany to meet exiled newspaper editor Kyaw Min Swe, who faced torture and imprisonment at the hands of the military junta

Ian Wylie for Index on Censorship

This article first appeared in Volume 53, Issue 4 of our print edition of Index on Censorship, titled Unsung Heroes: How musicians are raising their voices against oppression. Read more about the issue here. The issue was published on 12 December 2024.

A black square was all it took. Veteran journalist Kyaw Min Swe was arrested by the Myanmar military junta in April 2023 after he blacked out his personal Facebook profile – a sign of despair at the bombing of Pazigyi, a village near his hometown in the Sagaing region, which killed more than 100 people including children.

Around 300 people had gathered for the opening of an office of the National Unity government in exile. Eyewitnesses reported that a fighter jet bombed the village before a helicopter fired on those escaping. It was one of the deadliest attacks on civilians since the military coup in 2021.

Kyaw, the former editor-in-chief of weekly newspaper Aasan (The Voice) and executive director of the Myanmar Journalism Institute, has been a journalist for more than 25 years. He had been detained before, but this time was different.

“On a popular Telegram account that monitors high-profile people like me, I was accused of supporting the People’s Defence Force [the PDF is the military wing of the exiled government] and opposing the military with that Facebook post,” he told Index. He was summoned to the military interrogation centre in Yangon to explain himself.

“I had nine days of torture – not physical, but mental: three interrogators, working in rotation, asking me the same questions and depriving me of sleep.

“They lied about arresting my reporters, pretending they had evidence of connections with the exiled government and the PDF, but they had nothing. I simply told them the truth: I’m a professional journalist, not pro-exiled government or anti-military, but I disagree with the coup.”

Later, he was bundled into a vehicle with a bag over his head.

“I was scared. This was different to my previous experiences,” said Kyaw, who was taken first to the police interrogation centre and then to Sanchaung Township police station, where he was charged under Section 505A of Myanmar’s Penal Code – used by the junta to target those seen to criticise the regime and carrying a maximum three-year prison sentence.

Insein in chains

After almost three months, including two spent in chains in the notorious Insein Prison, he was finally released – with an order to report weekly to police.

“From then on, I was monitored constantly,” he said. “The military actually offered me financial support, but they wanted to use me as propaganda and I knew that was professional suicide.”

While detained, Kyaw decided he and his family needed to leave Myanmar.

“It was no longer the right place for my kids,” he said.

He contacted a friend at Deutsche Welle, the German state broadcaster which part-funds the Myanmar Journalism Institute, and last October he fled Yangon under cover of darkness with his wife and two children.

The daring escape to Germany via Thailand included crossing rivers, trekking through jungles, climbing walls and sheltering in safe houses. Eight months later, with the help of the Exile Hub, an arm of German non-profit Media in Co-operation and Transition (MiCT), they finally found safety in Berlin in June 2024.

“For my kids it was like an adventure, but not for my wife, who spent seven months taking Xanax because she couldn’t sleep,” said Kyaw. “She was anxious every time she saw someone in a uniform. In Myanmar, she’d got used to hiding my laptop in the washing machine every time the doorbell rang.”

Myanmar’s censors

Over the course of his career in Myanmar, Kyaw has seen censorship fluctuate between brief periods of hope and progress to crushing repression.

Before 2011, the military junta imposed strict censorship on the press. Independent media was non-existent, with most newspapers being government-owned or strictly controlled, focusing on state propaganda. Kyaw’s media house, for example, was owned by the son of the military intelligence chief.

Journalists had to submit their work to the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD) before publication, and any critical or sensitive content – particularly related to the military, politics or ethnic conflicts – was censored. Kyaw said his magazine was suspended six times, sometimes for infringements as minor as running adverts that mentioned neighbouring Thailand.

With the shift to a quasi-civilian government under president Thein Sein in 2011, Myanmar experienced a brief period of media liberalisation. As secretary at Myanmar’s Press Council, Kyaw helped draft a media law to protect journalists. The PSRD was abolished, private newspapers were allowed to publish daily, and journalists, for the first time, began to report on previously forbidden subjects.

Yet they still faced threats and prosecution. Kyaw was sued for defamation by the Ministry of Mines in 2012 for publishing a story about alleged misuse of public funds, based on a report from the parliamentary watchdog.

“The ministry demanded a front-page apology, but the parliament report was so clear, we politely declined,” he said.

The case dragged on for months and Kyaw faced dozens of court appearances before it was dropped, following pressure from human rights NGOs and a ministerial reshuffle. Kyaw took this as a sign of progress.

A false dawn

Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) came to power in 2016, but the military retained significant power and media freedom deteriorated again.

“We expected a lot from the NLD,” recalled Kyaw. “We self-censored and hesitated to criticise them because people loved them so much. We didn’t want to be labelled pro-military.”

Several high-profile cases of media repression occurred, notably the jailing of Reuters journalists Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo for reporting military atrocities against the Rohingya.

In 2017, Kyaw was arrested in his newsroom along with columnist Ko Kyaw Zwa Naing after a military official complained about a satirical article published in response to a film commemorating Armed Forces Day. Charges against Ko Kyaw Zwa Naing were dropped, but Kyaw Min Swe remained in Insein Prison for two months, on trial for “online defamation’’ under the 2013 Telecommunications Law.

“They treated us decently because the international community was watching,” Kyaw recalled. “The military, and even the Press Council, wanted me to apologise, but I said, ‘I’m sorry, this is satire, a form of art. If I apologise, my career is gone’.”

The military coup of 2021 dramatically reversed any media freedoms that had been gained. The military seized control of all state media, revoking the licences of independent news outlets such as Mizzima, Myanmar Now and DVB.

“Every journalist was watched and monitored,” Kyaw said. “Many journalists were arrested, others were beaten at demonstrations on the street.”

Draconian laws were passed, including Section 505(A) of the Penal Code which criminalises “causing fear, spreading false news, or agitating against government employees”. Kyaw’s newspaper was forced to cease publishing when businesses switched their advertising to state-owned media.

Myanmar has become the world’s second biggest jailer of journalists, second only to China, according to Reporters Without Borders (RSF).

Several “exiled media” outlets such as The Irrawaddy have relocated to Thailand and rely on citizen journalists to provide content. Kyaw said he hoped bodies such as the Myanmar Journalism Institute might act as platforms to attract funding for exiled media, as well as for journalists still working inside the country for regional or ethnic media houses. But this can also be problematic.

“Some [exiled] Myanmar media report only what’s happening in the war, and only when it’s good news for the PDF and the exiled government. But Myanmar people have a right to know true information, free of bias, about the war, the economy or even natural disasters that are happening,” Kyaw said.

“Without that reporting, our people cannot prepare for the future.”

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