Guest contributor
James Shwe
On July 22, three significant bipartisan bills aimed at addressing Myanmar’s ongoing crisis passed their respective U.S. House committees—marking an important step forward in international legislative support for Myanmar’s people. These bills—the BRAVE Burma Act (H.R.3190), the Burma Genocide Accountability and Protection Act (Burma GAP Act, H.R.4140), and the No New Burma Funds Act (H.R.4423)—are each aimed at choking off the military junta’s lifelines, supporting survivors of atrocities, and aligning U.S. policy more strongly with Myanmar’s democratic resistance.
A rare bipartisan consensus
In today’s polarized American political climate, bipartisan cooperation is uncommon. Yet in Myanmar, lawmakers from both major political parties have found common ground. All three bills were cosponsored by both Democrats and Republicans, including some of the most influential voices in U.S. foreign policy.
- The BRAVE Burma Act was introduced by Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-MI), with Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi (D-IL) as one of the early bipartisan co-sponsors.
- The Burma GAP Act was introduced by Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-NY), Ranking Member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee. It gained strong bipartisan backing, including from Rep. Michael McCaul (R-TX), Rep. Ami Bera (D-CA), and Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-MI).
- The No New Burma Funds Act was introduced by Rep. Nikema Williams (D-GA) with Rep. Young Kim (R-CA), a long-time advocate for human rights and democracy in Asia, as Republican co-sponsor.
This bipartisan momentum conveys a powerful message: support for justice and democracy in Myanmar is not a partisan issue in the U.S. Congress.
BRAVE Burma Act: Financial sanctions to undermine the junta
The BRAVE Burma Act, passed by the House Financial Services Committee, focuses on cutting the junta off from international revenue. It mandates the U.S. government to review annually whether to impose or escalate sanctions on:
- Burma’s state-owned enterprises (SOEs),
- The Myanma Economic Bank (MEB),
- And any foreign entities supplying jet fuel used in attacks on civilians.
Another important provision prohibits the U.S. from supporting any increase in Myanmar’s voting power at the International Monetary Fund (IMF) while the military remains in control.
While the Act does not provide direct humanitarian aid, its goal is to reduce the junta’s ability to finance violence and repression. The BRAVE Act is still pending review by the House Foreign Affairs Committee and the Judiciary Committee before it can reach the full House for a vote.
Burma GAP Act: Justice, inclusion, and long-term support
The Burma Genocide Accountability and Protection Act—or GAP Act—represents the most comprehensive U.S. legislative response to the Rohingya genocide and broader ethnic persecution in Myanmar.
Introduced by Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-NY) and passed just today by the House Foreign Affairs Committee, this bill:
- Authorizes $9 million USD per year from 2026 to 2030 to fund humanitarian assistance for Rohingya refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs),
- Supports documentation of atrocities and transitional justice mechanisms,
- Promotes the inclusion of Rohingya in a future federal democratic system, including the restoration of legal identity and citizenship,
- Encourages coordination between the U.S. and democratic actors, including the National Unity Government (NUG), National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), and ethnic resistance organizations.
It also calls for the appointment of a Special Representative and Policy Coordinator on Burma to align sanctions, diplomacy, and justice efforts if a U.S. Ambassador to Burma is not in place.
Although it doesn’t formally recognize the NUG as the legitimate government, the GAP Act introduces clear policy language supporting democratic actors and inclusive federalism.
No New Burma Funds Act: Blocking new loans to the junta
Perhaps the most streamlined of the three bills, the No New Burma Funds Act prohibits the U.S. from supporting any new funding for the junta from the World Bank. This includes loans, technical assistance grants, and other disbursements.
Introduced by Rep. Nikema Williams (D-GA) and Rep. Young Kim (R-CA), the bill passed the House Financial Services Committee and is ready for a full House vote.
By targeting one of the most powerful international financial institutions, the bill sends a clear message: the international community should not finance military dictatorships, even under the guise of development.
What should Myanmar’s people expect?
It’s important to view these bills as long-term tools, not immediate solutions. If enacted, they can:
- Deny the junta access to international funds, especially fuel and hard currency,
- Increase international isolation of the regime,
- Deliver financial and legal support for Rohingya refugees and other atrocity survivors,
- Reaffirm international solidarity with Myanmar’s revolution and democratic movement.
But they will not:
- Provide weapons or direct support to armed resistance groups,
- Quickly end junta attacks or change battlefield conditions,
- Formally recognize the NUG or directly fund the People’s Defense Force (PDF) or Ethnic Armed Organization (EAO) administered areas,
- Bring immediate relief to displaced communities—given bureaucratic and logistical barriers.
Still, progress on these bills boosts visibility and political capital for Myanmar’s cause in Washington and beyond.
How These Bills Could Be Improved
- Recognition of the NUG: Acknowledging the National Unity Government as the legitimate governing authority would strengthen democratic legitimacy.
- Support for governance in liberated areas: Allow non-lethal assistance (health, education, administration) through trusted civil society or NUG-administered operations.
- Expand funding restrictions: The No New Burma Funds Act currently focuses only on the World Bank; it could include other major funders like the Asian Development Bank (ADB) or IMF programs.
- Guardrails on Special Representative powers: Adding strong oversight will ensure transparency and alignment with justice goals.
- Support for Burmese civil society and media: Funding for local journalism and digital access can help counter junta propaganda and empower citizens.
What can Myanmar people and allies do?
- Contact U.S. lawmakers directly: Thank sponsors, ask for co-sponsorship, and promote swift passage.
- Tell your stories: Survivor testimony, impact data, and powerful visuals strengthen advocacy.
- Build broad coalitions: Unify efforts between ethnic groups, civil resistance, women’s organizations, and international allies for joint advocacy and lobbying.
- Track next steps: Monitor bill movements, committee votes, and implementation plans.
Which bill could pass first?
Among the three, the No New Burma Funds Act (H.R.4423) is the most focused and furthest along in the process. Its simplicity and decisive scope give it the best chance of reaching the President’s desk this year.
The GAP and BRAVE bills, while essential and more comprehensive, may require additional amendments and negotiations as they proceed through the House and Senate.
Final thoughts: Visibility is progress in itself
Even if none of these bills become law this year, their advancement in the U.S. Congress has already reignited international attention on Myanmar’s crisis. These developments have educated lawmakers, mobilized advocates, and brought Myanmar’s suffering and resistance back into the headlines.
The people of Myanmar deserve global solidarity—and with these bills, the U.S. is showing it hears their call. But the work continues: for justice, for democracy, and for federal peace.
James Shwe is a Myanmar democracy activist in the U.S. and is a member of the advocacy groups Free Myanmar and the Los Angeles Myanmar Movement. He has been trying to organize and motivate the Myanmar diaspora to advocate for democracy in Myanmar.
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